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atci^aeologtcal 31n0tttute of America 



REPORT OF THE FELLOW IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY 

1902-1905 



A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF 
THE MAYAS AND THE LACANDONES 

BY 

ALFRED M. TOZZER, Ph.D. 




NEW YORK 

PUBLISHED FOR THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 
OF AMERICA BY 

Efje JHacmillan (fTompang 

64-66 Fifth Avenue 

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 

1907 




/ 






A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE MAYAS 
AND THE LACANDONES 



^rcl^aeological ginistitute of America 



REPORT OF THE FELLOW IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY 
1902-1905 



A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF 
THE MAYAS AND THE LACANDONES 



BY 



ALFRED M. TOZZER, Ph.D. 




NEW YORK 

PUBLISHED FOR THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE 



OF AMERICA BY 



Ejje lEacmtllan Companu 

64-66 Fifth Avenue 

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. 

1907 

Collected set. 



Norfaooli \Bris5 : 
S. Gushing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. 
Norwood. Mass., U.S.A. 



By transfer 
30 Mr 1907 



PREFACE 

The following report is based upon the field work carried 
on principally in Yucatan and Chiapas, Mexico, during the 
years 1902, 1903, 1904, and 1905 as Fellow in American Archc^- 
ology of the Institute. A more detailed account of the exact 
time and places where the work was undertaken may be found 
in the brief reports that I have given each year to the Com- 
mittee of American Archseolog}^ and published in the Supple- 
ments to the American Journal of Archceology, Vols. VI, VII, 
VIII, and IX. 

The report is entirely ethnological in character. The former 
Maya culture is touched upon on\j in relation to that found 
at the present time. Where there is any connection between 
the two this has been brought out, but no attempt has been 
made to sketch any phase of the ancient culture. 

The linguistic part of the report is not included in the 
present volume. As it forms a unit in itself, it will be pub- 
lished as a separate contribution. It will include a treatment 
of the Maya grammar together with a comparative study of 
the Maya, Tzeltal, Choi, and Chontal dialects of the Maya 
stock. 

I desire at this time to express my appreciation and thanks 
to the three original members of the Committee on American 
Archseology, Mr. Charles P. Bowditch, Chairman, Professor 
F. W. Putnam, and Professor Franz Boas. To Mr. Bowditch, 
through whose initiative and aid the Traveling Fellowship in 
American Archseology was founded, and to Professor Putnam, 
both of whom have given unsparingly of their time in advice 
and counsel both before and during the four years of the 
Fellowship, and to Dr. Boas, who has been of great aid in his ' 
advice on the linguistic side of the work, I am deeply grateful. 

I owe special thanks to Mr. Edward H. Thompson, American 
Consul at Progreso, Yucatan, for the many weeks spent on 



Vi PREFACE 

his delightful plantation at Chichen Itza, and to Mr. and Mrs. 
W. M. James of Merida for their many acts of kindness. To 
Don Audomaro Molina and Don David Casares and their 
families, I am grateful for an insight into the life of the 
capital of Yucatan. 

My actual field work would have been doubly arduous but 
for the kind attentions and hospitality of friends connected 
with many of the large mahogany companies in southern 
Chiapas. The Compahia Mexicana Sud-Oriental of Belgium 
through Mr. Luis Pelegrinni, Mr. Robert Herzog, and Mr. 
Alfonso Altes ; the American Trading Company of New York 
through Mr. Pedro V. Rubio and Mr. D. N. Carrington ; the 
Corapania Romano of San Juan Bautista, Chiapas, through 
Don Roman Romano, the Vice President, and Don Domingo 
Morgadanes; and the Bulnes Company, also of San Juan, 
through Don Enrique and Don Quentin Bulnes, have all placed 
many facilities of travel at my disposal. 

This is not the time and place to enlarge upon the obliga- 
tions I feel myself under to each and every one of the persons 
named, in addition to a large number of others. It is always 
a regret that the conditions of the country are such that, in 
many cases, one is compelled to accept hospitality and favors 
which he can never hope to repay. 

A. M. T. 

Harvard University, 
June, 1906. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preface . v 

Introduction . 1 

Maya and Lacandone 1 

Maya and Lacandone, linguistically considered 1 

Name and derivations 3 

Habitat 4 

Number 5 

History (summary) 7 

Mayas and Yucatan 7 

Lacandones and Chiapas 12 

Habitat 14 

Position -14 

Archteological remains ^ 14 

Orography 15 

Rivers 16 

Soil 17 

Geological formation . . 17 

Rainfall 18 

Seasons 18 

Climate . 18 

Mineral wealth .....* 19 

Flora 19 

Fauna . . * 22 

Personal Characteristics . , 24 

Physical 24 

Stature and head form 24 

Physical strength 24 

Color of skin and hair ; texture of hair 25 

Health 26 

Artificial flattening of head 26 

Mental 27 

Intellect 27 

Morality 27 

Condition on the haciendas of Yucatan 27 

Drunkenness 28 

Clothing 29 

Lacandones 29 

Mayas 31 

Social Characteristics 33 

External relations 33 

vii 



viii CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Social Characteristics (cont.) 
External relations {cont.) 

Lacandones , , , . . 32 

Isolation and its causes 34 

Mayas 36 

Permanence of language 3(> 

Interrelations 37 

Internal relations 38 

Permanent settlements 38 

Descent and inheritance 39 

Family imperfectly constituted 39 

Totemic divisions and their locations 40 

Divisions as regards precedence in birth ...... 42 

Political life . 43 

Honor paid to chief of settlement ....... 44 

Tamily life 44 

Leadership 44 

Morality . 46 

Marriage rite 45 

Polygyny 45 

Fecundity 46 

Naming of children 46 

Puberty rites 47 

Mortuary customs 47 

Ideas of future life 47 

Sociologj' of Mayas 49 

Industrial Activity' ........... 51 

Agriculture 51 

Food and the preparation of food 51 

Crops ■• . . . .53 

Hunting 53 

Fishing 54 

Navigation 54 

Weaving 55 

Cloth making 55 

Hannnocks and carrying nets 56 

Baskets 57 

Manufacture of bows and arrows 57 

Varieties of arrows .......... 59 

Flint chipping 00 

Arrow release 61 

Arrows as ceremonial objects 61 

Pottery making 62 

Mayas as potters 62 

Lacandones as potters ......... 62 

Apiculture 63 

Fire making 63 

House building 63 



CONTENTS IX 

PAGE 

Artistic Activity .,,,.. 65 

Decoration 65 

Absent among the Mayas 65 

Gourds for food and drink among the Lacandones .... 65 

Figure of winged serpent on cliff at Lake Petha .... 69 

Sacred incense-burners of the Lacandones 69 

Ceremonial gourd rattle 70 

Ceremonial robe 70 

Sacred hut, or hermita 72 

Personal decoration 72 

Music 73 

Games 76 

Dancing 77 

Keligion 79 

Lacandones 79 

Ideas expressed 79 

General character 80 

Gods 80 

Number 80 

Character and attitude toward the natives 81 

Residence 81 

Pilgrimages 81 

Finding of incense-burners 81 

Connection with ancient culture 81 

Use by Lacandones 84 

Survival of older form 85 

Changes of form 85 

Representation 87 

Idols of stone 87 

How obtained 88 

Their place in the incense-burnei-s 88 

Renewal of braseros, or incense-burners ... 89 

Functions of the braseros 89 

Detailed description of braseros 89 

Different types 90 

Sacred hut 91 

Great secrecy and privacy observed . . ... 92 

Names of gods 93 

Those represented in an encampment 99 

Mode of selection 99 

Divination by leaf 100 

Divination by hands 100 

Use to determine offering 101 

Kinds of offering 102 

Possession of set of idols and braseros 103 

Priestly duties 104 

Ceremonies 105 

Women excluded 105 



X CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Religion (cont.) 
Lacandones (cont.) 
Ceremonies (cont.) 

General form 105 

Renewal rites for braseros 105 

Time of year 106 

Preparation 106 

Braseros, braseritos, and drum 107 

Number in an encampment 107 

Shelter erected 108 

Method of manufacture 108 

Akna, the handled incense-burner . . . .110 

Ceremonial robe Ill 

Interior of ceremonial hut Ill 

Stages to every offering made to the braseros . . . .116 

Character of chants 117 

Daily gift of »osoZ to old 6?-aseros 117 

Copal placed in the incense bowls 118 

Jicaras ot posol 'Placed 119 

Shell blown at east of sacred hut 119 

P0.S0Z administered to brai^eros, to the east of hut, to those 

on the shelf, and to the ceremonial drum . .119 

Shell blown at east of hut 120 

Copal lighted in incense-burners 120 

Chant with leaves in smoke of incense .... 121 

Chant over members of family with leaves . . . 121 

Second administration of poso? 122 

Variations of rite 122 

Posol distributed 122 

Rite of offering balt^e, buliwa, meat, and fillets to the old 

braseros 123 

Preparation 123 

Making baltSe 123 

Chant during fermentation 125 

Purification 125 

Board of nodules of copal 125 

Male and female nodules 125 

Survival of form 126 

Purification 127 

Jar filled with baltie 128 

Buliwa placed before the braseros and idols . . . 128 

Mixture of cocoa placed 128 

Nodules of copal placed 128 

Baltie and cocoa placed in jicaras 128 

Jar refilled 129 

Second and third set of jicaras of baltSe placed before the 

braseros 129 

Bark fillets offered 129 



CONTENTS XI 

PAGE 

Keligion (cont.) 

Lacandones (cont.) 
Ceremonies (cont.) 

Kenewal rites for braseros {cont.') 
Kite of offering baltse, etc. {cont.) 

Baltse administered to braseros and other points . . 129 

Jicaras of baltse around jar distributed .... 1.30 

Women enter sacred inclosure 130 

Second administration of baltse from jicaras around jar . 130 

Sliell blown at east of hut 130 

Buliwa offered 130 

Baltse before braseros offered 131 

Board of nodules offered at east of hut . . . .131 

Drum beaten 131 

Potion of balt§e to all present 132 

Board of nodules offered inside hut 132 

Second potion of baltse to all present .... 132 

Third administration of balt§e from jicaras around jar . 132 

Nodules distributed in braseros 132 

Dishes of meat placed 133 

Jicaras refilled around jar 133 

Fourth administration from jicarfts around jar . . . 133 

Jicaras of balt§e around jar distributed .... 133 

New fire kindled 133 

Palm leaves distributed 134 

Copal nodules in incense bowls lighted .... 134 

Chant with leaves in smoke of incense .... 134 

Third potion of baltse given to all 134 

Chant with leaves over family 134 

Meat offered 13.5 

Baltie and meat administered to the braseros and the 

other points 135 

Fifth administration of baltSe from the jicaras around 

the jar 135 

Jicaras around jar distributed 135 

Period of general drinking 135 

Obligatory drunkenness 1,36 

Piercing ear with stone point 137 

Placing body over fire of copal 137 

Buliwa and meat distributed among those present . . 137 

Women enter sacred inclosure 138 

General feasting begins 138 

Necessity of consuming all the baltse .... 138 

Fillets distributed 138 

Last offering of posol to old braseros .... 138 

New braseros and braseritos brought in ... . 138 

Condition of old braseros " . 139 

Cleaned and idols extracted 139 



COA' TENTS 



Kklioion (cant.) 
LacandoiK's {cont.) 
Cereiiionips {coiit.) 

Kencwal rites for hrascros (cont.) 

llito of offoriiiK baltie, etc. (cont.) 

Old bra sen IS placed at one side of hut 
Now brascros installed iu Iheir place . 

Offering of baltie 

Idol placed in bowl of incense-burner . 
Board of nodules made .... 

Offering of achiote 

Spots painted 

Second day in life of new brasiros . 

Offering of posol 

Third day. offering of baltSe .... 
Tamah's of corn jilaceil .... 
Jar tilled with baltie from hollow log 
Jicarax of baltie placed before brascros and bt 
Shell blown at east of liut .... 
Baltie administered to sacred alias . 
Nodules of copal placed and spattered with baltie 
Baltse ilistributed in jicaras from those around 
Cigars made of first tobacco and offered . 
Second administration of baltie 
Distribution of baltse fvom Jicaras around jar , 
Third administration of baltse ... 
Jicaras of posol brought in and offered 
Foiu'th administration of baltse 
Nodules of copal offered at east of hut 
Nodules of copai offered inside hut . 
Fillets of bark offered .... 

Nodules of copal distributed in brascros and bri 

New fire made 

Nodules of copal lighted .... 
Different articles painted with achiote 
Chanting with leaves in smoke of incense . 
Chanting with leaves over family 
Offering of frcjolcs placed .... 
Tamah's and frcjolcs offered 

Necessity of giving first fruits 
Tamalcs and frcjolcs administered 
Baltse in jicaras before sacred ollas, tamalcf 
jiilcs distributed .... 
An e.Kchange of offerings 
Fillets and cigai"s distributed 

Fourth day in life of new brascros . 

Offering of posol and balls of ground corn 

Fifth day 

Offering of posol and cocoa 



and frc 



140 
MO 
140 
140 
140 
141 
141 
141 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
142 
143 
143 
143 
143 
143 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
144 
145 
145 

145 
145 
145 
145 
145 
145 
145 



CONTENTS Xlli 

PAGE 

Religion (cont.') 
Lacandones {cont.) 
Ceremonies (cont.) 

Renewal rites for braseros (cont.) 

Sixth day 145 

Offering of posol and balls of ground corn . , . 145 

Seventh day 145 

Offering of posol and cocoa 145 

New braseros placed on shelf 146 

Ceremonial hut carefully swept 146 

Old braseros placed in nets and carried to cliff . . . 146 

Brascritos carried and deposited at Petha .... 147 

End of rite 147 

Rite on undertaking a journey 147 

Nodules made 147 

Chant with leaves in smoke of incense 147 

Chant over members of family about to depart . . .147 

Simple offering of copal 148 

Pilgrimage to home of a god 148 

Journey . 148 

Celebration of rite 149 

Divinatory rite in woods 150 

Mayas 151 

Many survivals of ancient rites 151 

Causes of success of Spanish missionaries 151 

Catholic religion in Yucatan 152 

Cosmical conceptions 15-3 

Four periods to history of the earth 153 

Seven heavens above the earth and their inhabitants . . . 154 

Other .spirits among the Mayas 156 

Ceremonies 159 

Offering to Catholic santos 160 

Harvest rite 160 

Baltse offered 160 

Nine tortillas made 160 

Offering to four cardinal points 161 

Rite in milpa to spirits of the winds 161 

Rite for rain 162 

General ceremony for rain 162 

Rite on departure for hunting 162 

Corral rite 162 

Divination 163 

By crystal 163 

By corn 163 

By ring 164 

New fire rite 164 

Conclusions 164 

Chants . . , , 169 

BlBLIOGKAPIlY 191 



LIST OF, PLATES 

PLATE 

I. Diego de Landa, first Bishop of Yucatan. 
II. 1. Usumacinta River above Tenosique. 
2. Usumacinta River above Tenosique. 

III. 1. Grand Genote at Chichen Itza. 

2. Lacandone woman carrying child on liip. 

IV. 1. Group of Lacandones from Petha. 

2. Group of Lacandones from the Lacantun River. 

V. 1. Lacandone bark dress. 

2. Lacandone mother and child. 

VI. 1. Lacandone boy and girl. 

2. Tw^o Maya women and child. 

VII. 1, Maya from Chichen Itza. 

2. Two Mayas in working costume. 

VIII. 1. Lacandone settlement from the east. 

2. Lacandone settlement from the south. 

3. Shelter of the Lacandones. 
IX. 1. Maya woman grinding corn. 

2. Maya woman molding and baking tortillas. 
X. 1. Lacandone shooting with native bow and arrows. 

2. Lacandone youth shooting fish with bow and arrows. 
XL 1. Lacandone woman spinning. 
2. Lacandone woman weaving. 
XII. 1. Lacandone loom. 

2. Lacandone hammock. 

XIII. 1. Front of the ceremonial robe of the Lacandones. 

2. Back of the ceremonial robe of the Lacandones. 

3. Maya woman modeling a pot. 

XIV. 1. Lacandone shell necklace. 

2. Olla used in collecting the soot from burning coiJol. 

3. Lacandone native oboe. 

XV. 1. Design on ceremonial robe of the Lacandones. 

2. Typical Lacandone incense-burner. 

XVI. 1. Incense-burner from Labna, Yucatan. 

2. Incense-burner from Cozumel, east of Yucatan. 

3. Incense-burner from the Hondo River, British Honduras. 

4. Incense-burner from the Hondo River, British Honduras. 

5. Lacandone incense-burner. 

XV 



LI6T OF PLATES 



PLATE 

XVII. 1. Incense-burner from the State of Oaxaca. 

2. Head of an incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan. 

3. Head of an incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan. 

4. Incense-burner from the south of Yaxchilan. 

5. Incised incense-burner of the Lacandones. 
XVIII. 1. jMayas dancing. 

2. Lacandone offering two braseritos in a rite. 

XIX. 1. Clay animal of the Lacandones. 

2. Smallest type of the Lacandone incense-burner. 

3. Handle of an incense-burner from the Ulloa River, Honduras. 

4. Wooden bark beater. 

XX. 1. Interior of ceremonial hut of the Lacandones from the northeast. 

2. Ceremonial drum of the Lacandones. 

3. Lacandone chanting before old braseros. 

XXI. 1. Incense-burner, offering of baltse, leaves, and a cigar. 

2. Lacandone chanting with leaves. 
XXII. 1. Lacandone youth with his share of offering of j)osol. 

2. Lacandones making baltse. 

3. Two logs containing baltse. 

XXIII. 1. Board for offering nodules of copal. 

2. Nodule of copal found in Yucatan. 

3. Nodule of copal found in Yucatan. 

XXIV. 1. Leader in rite sitting before jar of baltse. 

2. Jar containing baltse. 

3. Lacandone offering board of nodules of copal. 
XXV. 1. Lacandone with slain monkey. 

2. Lacandone making ceremonial fire. 
XXVI. 1. Lacandone with spotted pioncho and ceremonial fillet. 

2. Interior of sacred hut from the northwest. 
XXVII. 1. Interior of sacred hut from the south. 

2. Lacandones carrying out the "dead" braseros. 
XXVIII. Three atlantes from Chichen Itza. 
XXIX. 1. Three Mayas offering posol to the spirits of the wind. 
2. Maya offering posol. 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN 'TEXT 



Woman weaving, from Codex 

Lacandone bow and arrows . 

Package of flint flakes for arrow points 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltSe 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltie 

Incised design of men on jicaras . 

Incised design of men on jicaras . 

Incised design of men on jicaras . 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 

Incised designs on jicaras for baltse 

Incised figure on cliff, Lake Petha 

Painted figures on cliff, Lake Petha 

Figure from Codex showing face painting 

Lacandone gourd rattle 

Figure with rattle, from Codex 

String figure of chicken's foot 

String figure, "sawing wood " 

Stick game of the Mayas 

Jade idol of the Lacandones . 

Idol inside jar, from Codex . 

Lacandone incense-burner, Petha type 

Offering in bee rite, from Codex . 

Molding or carving incense-burner or idol, from Codex 

Baking incense-burner, from Codex 

Painting idol or incense-burner, from Codex 

Painting idol or incense-burner, from Codex 

Handled incense-burner of the Lacandones 

Plan of interior of sacred hut, or hermita 

Figure in Codex offering leaves . 

Top of male nodule of copal . 

Male nodule of copal, side view . 

Female nodule of copal, side view 

Copal offered in bowls, from Codex 

Figure gathering rubber, from Codex 

Jar for baltse, from Codex . 



73 
75 
75 
76 
76 
77 
87 
88 
91 
98 
109 
109 
109 
109 
110 
112 
121 
125 
126 
126 
126 
127 
127 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



41. Figure offering board of nodules of copal, from Codex 

42. Figure offering board of nodules of copal, from Codex 

43. Blood rite, from Codex 

44. Figure showing drunkenness, from Codex . 

45. Carrying the incense- burner, from Codex 

46. Incense-burner or idol covered with copal, from Codex 

47. Figure offering meat to incense-burner or idol, from Codex 

48. Figure offering corn to incense-burner or idol, from Codex 

49. Smoking rite, from Codex 



PAGE 

131 
131 
136 
137 
139 
139 
140 
140 
143 



LIST OF CHANTS 



NO. PAGB 

1. A set of bow and arrows offered to the gods when a boy arrives at the 

age of puberty 169 

2. Eclipse of sun 169 

3. Diviuation for name of god whose presence is desired . . . .170 

4. Divination for name of offering desired by the gods .... 171 

5. Distribution of copal in the braseros during the process of the manu- 

facture of the new incense-burners 171 

6. An offering of posol placed In jicaras before the line of braseros . . 173 

7. An offering of posol administered to the braseros .... 173 

8. An offering of posol administered to the brasero of Usukun . . 174 

9. An offering of posol offered at the east of the sacred hut . . . 174 

10. An offering of posol administered to the braseros on the shelf . . 174 

11. An offering of posol administered to the drum, Qaiyum . . .174 

12. Palm leaves distributed to the participants in the rite . . . .175 

13. Palm leaves held over the smoke of the burning incense . . .175 

14. Chant over a young boy with the palm leaves consecrated in the smoke 

of the incense 175 

15. A jicara of posol distributed to each of the participants . . .176 

16. Individual offering of a particle of the gift of posol . . . .176 

17. Chant given during the fermentation of the ceremonial drink . . 177 

18. Purification of the ceremonial drink contained in the hollow log . . 178 

19. Purification of the nodules of copal 178 

20. An offering of baltse and cacao placed before the braseros . . 179 

21. An offering of bark fillets to the gods 179 

22. Baltse administered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . .180 

23. An offering of baltse at the east of the sacred hut . . . .181 

24. A jicara of baltse distributed to each of the participants . . .181 

25. Answer of those receiving the gift of baltse 181 

26. A jicara of baltse given to each of the members of the family of the 

leader of the rite 181 

27. Individual offering of a small portion of the gift of baltse . . .181 

28. Buliwa offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . . . .181 

29. Baltse offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods .... 182 

30. The nodules of copal about to be offered to the gods .... 182 

31. The nodules of copal offered at the east of the ceremonial hut . . 182 

32. The nodules of coj)al offered to the bi-aseros inside the ceremonial hut 

in behalf of the gods 183 

33. The nodules of copal distributed in the braseros 183 

34. An offering of meat placed before the braseros in behalf of the gods . 184 

xix 



LIST OF CHANTS 



A potion of the ceremonial drink given to the leader . 

A gift of meat offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . 

An offering of meat and buliwa administered to the braseros 

The offering of meat and buliwa presented at the east of the ceremo 

nial hut 

The offering of meat and buliwa distributed to the participants . 
Individual offering of a particle of the gift of meat and biiliwa . 
The last offering of posol to the old braseros .... 
The old braseros cleaned and the idols removed .... 
The first offering made to the new braseros and the idol placed inside 

the bowl 

An offering of posol given to the new braseros in behalf of the gods 

An offering of baltse administered to each of the braseritos 

An offering of baltse given to the ceremonial jar 

A gift of tobacco given to the braseros in behalf of the gods 

A gift of posol offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods . 

A gift of frejoles offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods 

A gift of frejoles and tamales administered to the braseros . 

The chant used when a journey is to be undertaken . 



PAGE 

184 
184 
184 

185 
185 
185 
186 
186 

186 
187 
187 
188 
188 
188 
188 
188 



KEY TO THE PRONUNCIATION OF MAYA 
WORDS 

The vowels and consonants have their continental sounds with the followii 
exceptions : — 

a like ti in hut 

ai like i in island 

k (Beltran's c) ordinary palatal k 

q (Beltran's k) velar k 

o (Beltran's o) ts explosive or fortis 

o (Beltran's tz) ts non-explosive 

s (Beltran's x) like sh in hush 

ts (Beltran's ch) like ch in church 

ts (Beltran's cfe) ch explosive 

p (Beltran's pp) p explosive 

t (Beltran's €h) t explosive 



INTRODUCTION 

The Mayas of Yucatan and the Lacandones of Chiapas, Mex- 
ico, and the upper Usumacinta River both belong to the same 
branch of the great Maya-Quiche linguistic stock. There is 
no distinction made between the people of these two localities 
when they are taken in connection with those of the less closely 
allied branches of this linguistic family, the Quiche, the Choi, 
the Tzeltal, the Mam, the Pokom, and the Huaxteca groups. 
The Mayas of Yucatan together with the Lacandones are usu- 
ally designated as forming the Maya proper, and I shall limit 
myself in this study to a consideration of this group alone. 

The Maya of Yucatan and the Lacandone are separated only 
by a slight dialectical difference. This is now about the only 
common ground on which to judge the people of the two locali- 
ties. A comparison of the life and customs of the two sections 
affords a most striking example of the effect of Spanish contact 
upon a portion of a once homogeneous people, one part having 
lived in close and intimate relations with Spanish influences 
since the time of the Conquest, and the other entirely free 
from all close contact with the Spanish-Mexican element of the 
population. 

In speaking of the Maya of Yucatan, the typical native of 
the country will be considered, not a resident of one of the 
large towns or cities, but the Maya who lives in one of the 
small Indian pueblos scattered everywhere throughout the pen- 
insula. In the eastern section of Yucatan, there was to be 
found not long ago what one might call the pure Yucatan Maya. 
In the southernmost sections of the peninsula, he still exists. 

In eastern and southern Yucatan there are three different 
settlements of Mayas which are practically independent. The 
Mayas occupying the eastern portion of the peninsula have 

1 



2 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

never been completely conquered by the Mexican troops sent 
against them. The last general uprising was in 1847. The 
stronghold of the suhlevados bravos (fighting insurgents) was 
called Chan Santa Cruz. This was destroyed by the Mexican 
troops and the site is now occupied by them as a camp. The 
Indians live in the bush and keep up a guerrilla warfare with 
the Mexicans sent against them even up to the present time. 
Travel in this portion of the peninsula, unless one is accom- 
panied bj'' a detachment of Mexican soldiers, is dangerous, 
owing to the untrustworthiness of these Indians and to their 
fear of allowing a Mexican spy to ascertain their true condition. 
Mr. Sapper ^ estimates these Indians formerly to have numbered 
about forty thousand and now to be not more than a fourth of 
this number. 

In the southern portion of the peninsula of Yucatan, west of 
Belize and north of Peten, there are two practically independ- 
ent Indian states, that of Ixkanha in central Yucatan, which 
has intercourse with Campeche to the westward, and that of 
Icaiche farther to the south, which carries on trade relations 
with Orange Walk in British Honduras. These states, 
according to Sapper,^ number respectively eight thousand 
and five hundred. They were formerly in league with the 
Indians of Chan Santa Cruz, but in 1853 they made a treaty 
with the Mexican government, thus arousing the hatred of their 
former allies. These two Indian states have full independ- 
ence in internal affairs, and they in turn recognize the authority 
of Mexico, and their officers have nominally to be confirmed by 
the central government of Mexico. These people stand half- 
way between the civilized Mayas to the northward and the 
Lacandones to the south. I have no personal knowledge of 
these Indians, and they will not be considered in the following 
report. 

For my comparison, I shall take the Lacandone as he is 

1 Sapper, 1895, pp. 197-201 ; 1904, pp. 623-624. I have availed myself of 
this article for the greater part of the facts in the account above. [Articles are 
referred to by date and the titles may be found in the bibliography at the end.] 



INTRODUCTION 6 

found to-day, unchanged and untrammeled by Spanish contact, 
and the Maya proper of Yucatan, a being now essentially 
Mexican, but still retaining, however, his native dress, lan- 
guage, general mode of living, and fundamental ideas con- 
cerning religion. 

The term "Maya" will be used as meaning, not the people 
linguistically considered and taken as a whole, but simply the 
native population of Yucatan. I shall touch upon the ancient 
culture of the Mayas only as it is shown as surviving among 
the people of the present time. 

Both the Mayas and the Lacandones call themselves mas- 
sewal. This comes from the Nahuatl word masehualli 
(plural masehualtin), meaning the lower class of working 
people. This name is thought by some to have been given to 
those of the inhabitants who originally come from Mexico. 
It is now applied to all the natives of the country without 
distinction. The white people of the land know the Indians 
of the peninsula as Mayas and the Lacandones as Caribes. 
This later name is of course inappropriate, as the inhabitants 
of Chiapas have no connection with the tribe commonly known 
as Caribes, which was originally found in northern South 
America. 

The name " Lacandone " has been given to the natives of 
Chiapas and the upper Usumacinta River by writers to dis- 
tinguish them from the Mayas proper of Yucatan. The name 
is probably a debased form for Lacantun, which means, in 
Maya, great or massive rocks. The form ton is used for tun in 
several dialects of the Maya, and we would then have Lacanton. 
The surd t may easily have been mistaken for the sonant d. 
Mistakes in mixing the surd and sonant are common in the 
native place names as recorded by the Spaniards. The term 
" Lacantun " is still found in its correct form in the name of one 
of the rivers flowing into the upper Usumacinta, on which settle- 
ments of this people are found. It has seemed best to retain 
the name Lacandone as designating the people about whom we 
are to speak. This is done in order to avoid confusion, inas- 



4 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

much as most of the early Spanish authorities use this form of 
the word, although it has no derivation in Maya. Mr. Seler 
considers that the right term is Acandon, as used by Alonso 
Ponce in 1586. ^ This name would be derived from acan, to 
groan or to thunder, and tun or ton, stone. Mr. Seler further 
suggests that the term may also have been applied to an idol. 
Stephens speaks of the Candones or " unbaptized Indians who 
live as their fathers did."^ These were in all probability the 
same people as the present-day Lacandones. 

Early historians when speaking of the Mayas in general 
always include the Lacandones and the Itzas, who inhabited 
the country around Lake Peten in Guatemala. At that time, 
all three people had practically the same language, religion, 
and customs. After the conquest of the Itzas in 1697, the 
province was held only by a small garrison of Mexican troops 
for over half a century, when it was finally made into a criminal 
colony. The j^eople now inhabiting this portion of the country 
around Lake Peten are a peaceful, quiet lot, and are more 
Mexican in character than Maya. 

The Lacandones inhabit the territory to the south of Tenosi- 
que. Tabasco, and west of the Usumacinta River in the state 
of Chiapas, the country drained by the rivers Lacantum and 
Lacanha, which unite with the Chixoy, or Salinas, to form the 
Usumacinta. The country of the Lacandones is crossed and 
recrossed by rivers and streams, thus furnishing an abundant 
water suppl3\ The soil is fertile owing to the many rivers 
and the dense tropical vegetation. There are several large 
lakes in the territory occupied by the Lacandones. 

Many of the early writers and some even down to within a 
comparatively few years ago have made a twofold division of 
the Lacandones, — the eastern Lacandones, living on the Rio de 
la Pasion and east of the Usumacinta, a harmless agricultural 
people who spoke Maya ; and the western Lacandones who 
spoke Choi or Putum, a dialect of the Maya stock. ^ The 

1 Seler, 1901, pp. 5, 6. 2 Stephens, 1841, Vol. II, p. 195. 

3 Berendt, 18G7, p. 425. 



INTRODUCTION 6 

Lacandones of Lake Petha, who would naturally belong to the 
western division, do not speak Choi, but Maya and a Maya 
differing very slightly from that spoken in Yucatan, as will be 
shown in the linguistic part of this study. This former classi- 
fication has broken down, and there is no longer any reason 
to suppose that there is a body of Lacandones speaking the 
Choi dialect of the Maya stock. ^ In the names of a few of the 
gods worshiped by the Lacandones at the present time, and 
in the painting of the face during some of the religious rites, 
there seems to be some slight variation as one travels from 
the east to the west. This may point to some original differ- 
ence in the composition of the people. 

As far as could be ascertained both from observation and 
inquiries, there seem to be no large settlements of this people 
in any part of the country. They are very much disseminated, 
living in small family groups, each with its animal totem. As 
far as I know, there is only one family of Lacandones living near 
the banks of the Usumacinta River, and also only a single family 
on the lower Lacantun. Within the last five years the whole 
country has been overrun with mahogany cutters, and their 
canoes are constantly passing up and down the rivers. As a 
consequence of this intrusion, the Lacandones have pressed back 
farther into the interior and have made their homes on the 
smaller streams flowing into the Usumacinta and Lacantun. 

Concerning their number, one hestitates in giving even an 
estimate, inasmuch as they are scattered over so wide a range 
of country. Mr. Sapper is nearer the truth, it seems to me, 
in his earlier statement, in which he places the number of 
Lacandones as between two hundred and three hundred.^ In 
a later publication ^ he places the number at five hundred, 
although he questions the accuracy of this numeration. 

1 Seler (1895, pp. 21-53 ; 1904, pp. 75-122) speaks of a letter he received 
from Mr. Sapper denying the fact of a western body of Lacandones spealcing 
Choi. Mr. Sapper also states that the Lacandones who held out so successfully 
against the constant expeditions sent against them by the Spaniards spoke the 
Maya proper in part at least. 

2 Sapper, 1897, p. 259. 3 jjjici.^ 1904, «, p. 9. 



6 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

The Mayas, on the other hand, may be numbered by the tens 
of thousands. Brinton estimates the number of pure Mayas 
as two hundred thousand and those of mixed blood as number- 
ing one hundred thousand. ^ Mr. Sapper estimates the num- 
ber of Mayas in Yucatan, Campeche, Chiapas, Tabasco, Peten, 
and British Honduras as three hundred thousand. ^ Whole 
villages and cities in Yucatan are composed entirely of Mayas. 
In the eastern section until a very few years ago, as has been 
stated, they held undisputed control. 

The country occupied by both these dialects of the Maya 
stock furnishes the inhabitants with game of all kinds and 
many fruits and vegetables which grow wild. 

Both the Lacandones and the Mayas are inherently a moral 
people. They have a certain code of conduct and live up to 
that with great faithfulness. The family life of the Lacan- 
dones is both simple and pure. Polygyny is practiced. 
When the men are not engaged in hunting and fishing, they are 
busy in the observances of their religious ceremonies, carried on 
before their incense-burners in behalf of the family gods. The 
main object of these rites is to cure diseases and to avert evils. 

The family life of the Maya proper is for the most part 
good. The Mexican looseness in this respect, as in many 
others, has come in to take the place of the simple and natural 
conditions formerly existing. The natives of the cities and 
towns naturally feel more heavily the effect of the contact 
with these new influences. 

The religion of the Lacandone is clearly a survival of that 
described by the early historians as existing throughout Yuca- 
tan at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards in the sixteenth 
century. In the peninsula at the present time, owing to the 
influence of the energetic Spanish priests and missionaries, there 
is existing a nominal Catholic religion. In the less populated 
districts, however, the fundamental religious ideas of the na- 
tives savor greatly of the former religion of the country. There 
are, moreover, rites still carried on which are native in character. 
1 Brinton, 1882, p. 19. 2 Sapper, 1904, a, p. 9. 



HISTORY 

The Mayas in all probability are not indigenous in Yuca- 
tan. The myths and early historians tell of a twofold mi- 
gration into Yucatan in the earliest times, one from the east, or 
more exactly from the southeast, and the other from the west or 
southwest.! The migration from the east was niuch less numer- 
ous than that from the west. Brinton identifies the eastern ar- 
rival as a sun myth, but the other is supported by the chronicles 
of the Mayas, and certainly has some historical importance.^ 
If we accept the idea of the two migrations, we can assume 
that they were composed of people of the same stock, possess- 
ing the same language, customs, and religion. The situation of 
the ruins in Yucatan and the country to the southward seems 
to give weight to the idea of a twofold migration. There is 
a line of ruined cities stretching southeast into Honduras and 
another to the southwest toward the River Champoton. 

The eastern migration is supposed to have had among its 
members the culture hero, Zamna, or Itzamna, to whom is as- 
cribed the invention of the characters used by the early Mayas 
in writing. 

After many years of wandering, Chichen Itza became the 
headquarters of this eastern migration. 

At a later date the second and westerly migration from 
Tabasco and Champoton took place under the command of 
the Tutul-Xius. 

According to the early chronicles, the Chanes, or Itzas, who 
had founded Chichen Itza, also established at a later date settle- 
ments at Izamal and T-ho, the present site of the city of 
Merida. 

Chichen Itza was governed by three brothers, one of whom 
1 Molina, 1896, p. xii. 2 Brinton, 1882, p. 20. 

7 



8 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

absented himself from the kingdom. The remaining two be- 
came tyrannical, internal discord broke out, and civil war re- 
sulted. Chichen Itza was finally abandoned, and, after many 
years of wandering, the Itzas established themselves in Chan- 
Peten.i Here there was prosperity for many years. For 
some motive not clearly shown, a move was made to the north- 
ward and the city of Mayapan founded. At the same time 
war was made against the Caciques of Izamal and Motul with 
the aid of the Xius, who had come from the southwest and 
founded the city of Uxmal at a time previous to the settlement 
of Mayapan. 

It was in ahau two of the Maya chronology that the famous 
confederation was made among the cities of Uxmal, Izamal, Ma- 
yapan, and Chichen Itza, which had been reestablished after the 
return of the Itzas from the south. It was probably during 
this confederation, which lasted over two hundred years, that 
Kukulcan came to Yucatan from the southwest. According 
to the early accounts, he brought the ideas of religion found 
existing among the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. After 
he had seen his ideas carried out, he departed as mysteriously 
as he had come. 

Civil war broke out immediately after the withdrawal of 
Kukulcan, between the cities of Chichen Itza and Mayapan. 
Izamal espoused the cause of Chichen Itza. The leader of 
Mayapan called to his aid the Nahuas, who had settlements 
in Tabasco. With the help of this foreign force, Chichen and 
finally Izamal fell under the power of Mayapan. 

The ruling power at Mayapan fell to the house of Cocomes. 
Owing to the tyranny of one of the kings of this family, the 
Tutul-Xius, who up to this time had not joined against Maya- 
pan, made an uprising which was entered into by the former 
inhabitants of Chichen and Izamal. The city of Mayapan and 
the power of the Cocomes were destroyed. A son alone was 
saved by being absent from the city at the time of the up- 
rising. 

1 Brinton, 1882, p. 96, 



HISTORY 9 

On the return of this surviving member of the family of the 
Cocomes, his followers gathered around him and they founded 
the city of Tibulon in the district of Zotuta. 

One of the former priests of Mayapan was the founder of the 
family of Cheles in the district of Izamal. The Tutul-Xius 
founded a new capital at Mani. After the destruction of Maya- 
pan, Yucatan was divided for the most part among the three 
families of the Xius, the Cocomes, and the Cheles, among whom 
there existed the most intense hatred. There was a state of 
constant warfare. 

This, briefly, is the history of Yucatan up to the time of the 
arrival of the Spaniards. The accounts are often conflicting, 
and there are many places where the myths and the early 
chronicles are silent. 

In 1502 on the fourth and last voyage of Columbus, when 
the expedition was in the Gulf of Honduras, an Indian canoe 
was encountered which had probably put out from the shores 
of Y^ucatan. This was the first news in Europe of the exist- 
ence of Yucatan. 

In 1506 two of the companions of Columbus set out to in- 
vestigate the former vague reports. They were in the Gulf of 
Honduras, and, "turning to the northward, discovered a great 
part of Yucatan." 1 

In the year 1511 Geronirao de Aguilar and Valdivia were 
shipwrecked on the coast of Yucatan. Valdivia and four of 
the sailors were, according to the early accounts, sacrificed by 
the natives of the country and afterward eaten. Aguilar and 
another companion, Guerrero, who were reserved until a later 
time, managed to escape into the country to the southward. 

In 1517 Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba set sail from Cuba 
for Yucatan. He touched first at the Isla de Las Mujeres and 
then sailed round the northern side of the peninsula and to 
the south as far as Campeche. The natives stoutly resisted the 
Spaniards at every opportunity. In the following year the 
governor of Cuba, Diego Velasquez, sent Juan de Grijalva to 
1 Herrera, 1601-1615, Dec. I, Libro VI, Cap. XVII. 



10 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

the new land. Francisco de Montejo, who later played a great 
part in the history of the country, accompanied this expedition, 
as well as Bernal Diaz del Castillo. They landed at Cozumel, 
and they, also, went around the north of the peninsula and 
down the western side to Tabasco. 

In 1519 Hernando Cortes set sail in company with Montejo 
to take possession of Yucatan in the name of Spain. They 
rounded Cape Catoche and landed at Cozumel. They finally 
retraced their course and went to Tabasco and the Boca del 
Terminos. The Indians often showed great courage in their 
resistance to the advance of the Spaniards. 

In the year 1526 Montejo, who had accompanied both Gri- 
jalva and Cortes, came to Yucatan with his son. The former 
was the first Adelantado of the country under a grant from the 
king of Spain. After great difficulty, he made a settlement at 
Chichen Itza, which, later, he was compelled to abandon on ac- 
count of the hostility of the natives. In 1535 he was finally 
driven from the country. In 1540, however, after a long strug- 
gle, he conquered part of Campeche. About this time he dele- 
gated all his powers to his son, who returned to Yucatan and 
conquered it again in behalf of the king. 

In 1542 the city of Merida was founded on the site of the 
native Maya settlement of T-ho, and Valladolid was made an 
encampment in the following year. In 1546 an Indian insur- 
rection broke out, and the Spaniards in Valladolid were mur- 
dered almost to a man.^ 

There was no large attempt made at Christianizing the na- 
tives until the year 1546, when one hundred and fifty missiona- 
ries were sent over from Spain. It was in this year that Bar- 
tolome de Las Casas arrived at Campeche. He was one of the 
earliest of the historians of the country. Villalpando settled 
at about this time at Campeche, where he founded a convent, 
and later at Merida, where another convent was established. 

In the year 1548 the province of Yucatan was made subject 
to Mexico. 

1 Cogolludo, 1088, Bk. V. 



HISTORY 11 

About 1551 Diego cle Landa was sent to Yucatan as a mis- 
sionary (PL I). Twenty years later he was made Bishop of 
Merida. He took energetic measures to exterminate the 
native religion and convert the Mayas to Christianity. His 
book, entitled " Relacion de Las Cosas de Yucatan," is one of 
the few authorities from which a start can be made in studying 
the calendar system of the early Mayas. His account of the 
customs and ceremonies of the natives at the time of the Con- 
quest is the best that we possess. 

Bernal Diaz del Castillo, a companion of Cortes, is another 
historian who wrote in this century. His accounts are gen- 
erally considered more truthfully drawn than those of his 
master. 

The first half of the seventeenth century is marked by the 
number of Spaniards who visited Yucatan and the country 
to the south. They returned and wrote full accounts of the 
history of the country and of their travels. Many of these 
men came to Yucatan and Tabasco as missionaries. Antonio 
de Remesal was a visitador of the Dominican order from 1613 to 
1617. While in Central America, he wrote his " Historia de 
las Provincias de Chiapa y Guatemala." ^ Antonio de Herrera 
was an historian under Philip II of Spain. In the first quarter 
of the century, he wrote a work entitled " Historia general de 
los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del mar 
Oceano." Diego Lopez de Cogolludo, a Spanish Franciscan, 
spent the second quarter of the century in Yucatan. His 
" Historia de Yucatan" is the best authority on the early history 
of the country down to 1655. Torquemada and Lizana were 
other historians who belonged to this century. 

Since that time Yucatan has been taken up, more or less 
at length, in all the histories of Mexico and many of those 
of Central America. The best of the more recent books is 
one written by a native of Yucatan, Don Juan F. Molina y 
Solis, " Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de Yucatan con 
una reseiia de la historia antigua." A second volume has lately 

1 No attempt at bibliographical fullness has been made in the works noted. 



12 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

been published, bringing the history down to the end of the 
sixteenth century. Later volumes will follow, bringing the 
work down to the present time. 

In regard to the history of the Lacandones, we know 
very little. The people of Peten are supposed to have come 
from the north at the first appearance of the Spaniards. In 
1525 Cortes made his famous journey through Tabasco, 
Chiapas, and Guatemala to Honduras. The Indians whom 
he describes inhabiting this territory were undoubtedly 
Lacandones. 

In the year 1537 Las Casas and Piedro de Angulo set out 
to Christianize the Indians of the Tlerra de Querra, now known 
as Vera Paz, part of the territory through which Cortes had 
passed on his way to Honduras. The missionaries realized 
that as long as the Indians lived scattered through the country, 
the work of conversion would be slow. They endeavored, 
therefore, to gather the natives into towns. This they suc- 
ceeded in doing only in part. 

The Lacandones seem to have resisted all the attempts at 
Christianization. In 1555 thej^, together with the natives 
of Acalan, slew with their arrows two priests and thirty of 
the Indians of Vera Paz Avho had yielded to the teachings of 
the missionaries.^ 

Four years later a determined attempt was made against 
the Lacandones. The expedition set out from Comitlan, 
reached the settlements of the Indians, and drove all before 
them. The victory was not followed up, however, and no 
definite results of submission were accomplished. 

Various attempts were made at about this time to conquer 
" the powerful tribe " of the Itzas, whose stronghold was on an 
island in Lake Peten in Guatemala. In 1G18 two missionaries 
left Merida for Peten, from which, two years later, they barely 
escaped with their lives. ^ Two years after this a Franciscan 
went from Bacalar to Peten, where he was treacherously put to 

1 Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. I, Chap. IX, X. 

2 Ibid., 1701, Bk. II, Chaps. II, III. 



HISTORY 13 

death. ^ Again, in 1646, another vain attempt was made, this 
time from Campeche and up the Usumacinta River. 

In 1675 and again ten years hxter, more successful attempts 
at Christianizing the Choles were made, but all endeavors to 
conquer the Lacandones met with failure. 

In the year 1695 a combined effort was made to conquer 
these Indians. One expedition moved from the province of 
Vera Paz, another from Gueguetenango, and a third under 
the command of Barrios from Ocosingo.^ The last two expe- 
ditions met at a place called Dolores. Here an effort was 
made to found a town of Lacandones; but gradually, family 
by family, they slipped away until even the site of the town 
has long since disappeared. In 1696 all the expeditions from 
the south were abandoned. 

Don Martin de Ursua had come forward with a plan to 
build a military road from Merida through the country of 
the Lacandones to Santiago de Guatemala. He was made 
acting governor of Yucatan during the absence of the governor 
in Mexico, and thus he was able to make a start toward carry- 
ing out his plan. After the failure of several of the leaders 
whom he had sent against the Itzas of Peten, Ursua decided 
to take the field in person. In 1697 he left Campeche. After 
a hard struggle, he captured the stronghold of the Itzas on 
an island in Lake Peten. Two years after, owing to internal 
discords, the settlement at Peten was abandoned and General 
Ursua returned to Yucatan. 

Various vain attempts were made to Christianize the Lacan- 
dones down to the beginning of the last century. Since that 
time they have been left completely to themselves. 

1 Cogolludo, 1688, p. 689. 

2 Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. X, p. 249. 



HABITAT 

The Lacandones, concerning whom the writer has personal 
knowledge, live in the State of Chiapas, Mexico, principally 
along the waters of the upper Usumacinta River (PL II, 
Figs. 1 and 2) and the rivers Lacantun and Lacanha. These 
rivers unite with the Chixoy, or Salinas, to form the 
Usumacinta, which flows northward into the Gulf of Mexico. 
Concerning the Itzas of Guatemala, and especially those around 
and near Lake Peten, I have no personal knowledge. It is 
supposed that these people withdrew somewhere about 1550 
from the northern part of the peninsula, owing to the approach 
of the Spaniards.^ It was through the country of the La- 
candones that Cortes passed on his arduous march from the 
Gulf of Mexico to Honduras. ^ 

From Peten northward stretches the main body of Mayas 
proper, occupying the whole peninsula of Yucatan. The in- 
habitants of the state of Campeche are sometimes excluded from 
the Mayas proper, as the dialect of the Maya spoken by them 
varies slightly, as does that of the Lacandones, from that spoken 
throughout the rest of the peninsula. 

The territory occupied by both the Lacandones and the 



1 CogoUudo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 507 : " Estos Indies Itzaex son de 
nacimiento Yucathecos y originarios de esta tierra de Yucath^n, y assi hablan 
la misma lengua Maya que ellos. Dizese, que salieron del territorio y juris- 
diccion que oyes de la Villa de Valladolid, y del Pueblo de Chichen Ytza, donde 
oy permanec^ unos de los grandes edificios antiguos que se v6n en esta tierra." 

2 This is described in his fifth letter to the king of Spain. It is impossible 
to follow accurately the march of Cortes step by step through this country, as 
there is no longer any trace of many of the names given either in his account 
or that of Bernal Diaz who accompanied him. The letters of Cortes are pub- 
lished in many places, as in Kingsborough, 18.31-1841, Vol. VIII, p. 401 (see 
also Cortes, 1866). An English translation of the fifth letter was published 
by the Hakluyt Society, 1868. 

14 



HABITAT 15 

Mayas is rich iu archseological remains.^ With the exception 
of the ruins on the border between Guatemala and Honduras, 
the cities of Copan and Quirigua, there are few large centers of 
archaeological interest not included within the country occu- 
pied by the Mayas and Lacandones. The ruined cities scat- 
tered over the entire northern part of the peninsula of Yucatan 
are in the same territory as that occupied by the Mayas proper. 
The ruins of Palenque are upon the northern and the ruins near 
Ocosingo in Chiapas on the western edge of the country occu- 
pied by the Lacandones, whereas the ruins along the Usuma- 
cinta River are in the very center of the territory occupied by 
this people. A large part of this latter region is practically 
unexplored. Mahogany hunters have traversed the whole area, 
and mounds and remains of ruined structures are constantly 
being reported throughout this territory of southern Chiapas 
and northern Guatemala. 

The country ^ occupied by the people of the Maya stock to 
be considered may be regarded as continuous,^ stretching, from 
the peninsula of Yucatan on the north, southward, including 
the department of Peten, Guatemala and the states of Chiapas 
and parts of Tabasco, Mexico. Just as the people of the north 
and south differ in customs, so also do the physical conditions 
of the two districts. 

The peninsula of Yucatan is generally level, with slight eleva- 
tions of not more than two hundred feet, due mainly to erosion. 
Owing to the formation of the country, the hydrographic 
conditions of Yucatan are peculiar. It is only in the extreme 
south of the peninsula that we find any rivers. The limestone 
formation, however, admits of numerous underground streams. 
Natural sinkholes, called in Spanish cenotes, after the Maya 

1 For the best general accounts of the Maya archseological remains, see Ste- 
phens, 1841, 1843 ; Charnay, 1887 ; Maudslay, 1889-1902 ; Holmes, 1895-1897 ; 
and Maler, 1901-1903. 

2 For a detailed account of the geography of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905. 

3 The Huastecos, on the River Panuco, north of Vera Cruz, speak a dialect of 
the Maya, and they form the only exception to the fact of the continuity of the 
territory occupied by the Maya-speaking people. 



16 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8 

word oonot,! are found everywhere throughout the peninsula 
(Tl. Ill, Fig. 1). The first settlements were made around 
these natural reservoirs. These cenotes may have underground 
connection with one another, although no current is perceptible 
in them. Water can be obtained at nearly every point in 
Yucatan if a well of sufficient depth is sunk. 

A very thin layer of soil covers the generally level but rough 
base of limestone which crops out everywhere. The soil, owing 
to its shallowness, is not as fertile as that of Chiapas. For cer- 
tain products, however, it is admirably fitted, especially for 
henequen or hemp. In central Yucatan there is one good-sized 
lake called Chichancanab. Further to the south, in the vicinity 
of Bacalar, there are a number of smaller lakes. ^ 

The country to the south of Yucatan has features entirely 
different. The territory of Peten may be considered a plain, 
but the state of Chiapas, where the greater part of the Lacan- 
dones live, is mountainous. Mr. Sappei- divides the mountain- 
ous territory into two parts, one composed of a chain of 
mountains and the other of a mountain mass.^ 

The territory occupied by the Lacandones is watered by 

1 Dr. L. J. Cole of Harvard University has been making a study of the water 
system of Yucatan. The results of these investigations will soon appear in print. 
Attention is especially called to a late paper by a Yucatan gentleman, Don David 
Casares, 1905. 

2 The best map of this region is that found in Sapper, 1895 and 1904, to which 
reference has b^en made. Mr. Sapper has traveled through a large portion of 
Yucatan. 

Count Maurice de P^rigny of the French Geographical Society has lately re- 
turned from a trip into the interior of Yucatan, and we may hope for an early 
report on this interesting territory. 

3 Sapper, 1897, p. 178 : " Das Gebirgsland des nordlichen Mittelamerika schei- 
det sich in zwei schon landschaftlich leicht zu unterscheidende Abtheilungen ; 
ein Kettengebirge in den nordlichen Theilen und ein Massengebirge in den 
stidlichen Theilen des Gebirgslandes. Das hauptsachlich aus mesozoischen und 
tertiaren Ablagerungen bestehende Kettengebirge des Staates Chiapas bildet 
aber keineswegs die unmittelbare Fortsetzung des Kettengebirges von Mittel- 
guatemala. . . . Das Kettengebirge von Mittelguatemala besteht nur in seinen 
nordlichsten Bestandtheilen aus mesozoischen und tertiaren Ablagerungen, 
wahrend siidlich davon eine palaozoische und dann eiiiige archaische Ketten 
folgen." 



HABITAT 17 

In addition to the two main rivers, the Lacan- 
tun and the Lacanha, which unite with the Chixoy or Salinas 
to form the Usumacinta, there are a number of other good-sized 
rivers, together with a countless number of smaller streams and 
brooks which interlace the country. There are four large lakes 
included in the territory occupied by the Lacandones, Laguna 
Petha, Laguna Anaite, and Laguna Lacanha in the state of 
Chiapas and Laguna Peten in Guatemala, around which the 
famous Itzas once centered. These lakes, together with the 
rivers, assure a never-failing water suppl}^ besides furnishing 
an abundance of fish and water fowl of many kinds. 

The soil, often of considerable depth, is very fertile, owing to 
the large decay of vegetation and the many rivers. The waters 
of the lakes and of the larger rivers which have washed away the 
outer soil are highly saturated with lime, so that, in general, the 
settlements of the Lacandones are found on the smaller streams, 
in small arroyos^ where the water has had no force to penetrate 
to the subsoil beneath. In traveling northward at right angles 
to the rivers flowing into the Usumacinta, which flows northward, 
one is constantly climbing one ridge only to descend again to 
the bed of a river and then up again over the watershed of the 
third. 

The whole peninsula of Yucatan is of limestone formation, 
mainly tertiary but partially of the cretaceous period. ^ Over- 
lying the older rock and shell conglomerate there is a soft lime- 
stone (Maya tun) in process of hardening. There is a still harder, 
whiter, and more compact stone (Maya t6tunits).3 Through- 
out the limestone formation, nodules of flint are found. This 
geological formation of lime furnishes an abundant supply of 
excellent building stone easily workable and admirably fitted for 
sculpture. This fact is noted in Yucatan and also in the coun- 
try occupied by the Lacandones in the remains of ancient build- 
ings and temples which have been described by travelers since 

1 For the best map of this region, see Maler, 1901-1903, PI. I. 

- For a detailed study of the geological formation of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905. 

2 See p. xxi for a key to the pronunciation of the Maya words. 



18 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

the earliest occupation of the country by the Spaniards. In 
Chiapas and Tabasco there is much igneous and sedimentary 
rock. 

Owing to the trade winds, the mountainous portion of the 
territory — and, as I have said, this is the part occupied by the 
Lacandones — has a large precipitation, and is, as a consequence, 
heavily timbered. Yucatan, on the other hand, has not a suffi- 
cient elevation to retain the moisture from the trade winds of the 
north, and the mountains in the south collect all the moisture 
coming from the Pacific. The country is consequently very dry 
except in the regular rainy season. The forest growth on the 
peninsula is generally small and singularly even. Some early 
authorities account for this from the fact that, according to the 
earliest accounts, Yucatan was visited by a terrific hurricane 
which laid low all the vegetation. ^ 

Owing to the mountainous formation, the rainy season among 
the Lacandones is not sharply marked as in Yucatan. There, 
the season of rain lasts from May until September and the re- 
mainder of the year is very dry. In Chiapas the dry season is 
of much shorter duration. The rains continue until January or 
February, when they give place to a dry season interrupted by 
occasional showers from February to April, when the regular 
wet season begins. 

The climate of Chiapas and the upper Usumacinta is generally 
not healthful. With care, however, places may be found on high 
land away from the river bottoms where one may live in com- 
parative security from fevers. The climate seems to have a 
more noticeable effect on the Mexicans than upon the natives, 
who are generally healthy, owing, no doubt, to their greater 
care in the selection of their camp sites. 

The climate of Yucatan, on the other hand, is much drier and 
more healthful. Calentura and other forms of fevers are less 
common than in any other part of southern Mexico. In many 
of the early Belacidnes, or reports sent to Spain regarding the 

1 Landa, 1864, p. GO. 



HABITAT 19 

conditions in the country, there is a distinction made between 
the healthfulness of Yucatan as compared with the moist charac- 
ter of the country to the southward and its consequent unhealth- 
fulness. 

Owing to the great evaporation, cold nights follow days of 
intense heat. On the average, the temperature is lower in 
Chiapas than in Yucatan. ^ 

The country occupied by the Mayas and the Lacandones seems 
to be lacking in precious metals. The land is not so poor in 
useful minerals. Salt is obtained in Yucatan by evaporating sea 
water. In Chiapas the Indians formerly boiled in earthen pots 
or evaporated in shallow pans the brine obtained from salt 
mines. At the present time the Lacandones procure their salt 
in trade from the Mexicans. The one utensil, found in every 
household throughout Yucatan, the region of the Usumacinta, 
and every other part of Mexico as well, is the stone metate for 
grinding corn (PI. IX, Fig. 1). They are usually made of a vol- 
canic rock, andesite, or basalt. Sometimes they are made of 
flint. This latter has always been an important stone among 
the Mayas. The Lacandones flake and chip points of flint for 
their arrows (p. 60). Arrow points and knives are occasion- 
ally found of obsidian. At El Cayo, on the Usumacinta River, 
Mr. Maler has named carnelian, syenite, jadeite,^ ofite, hema- 
tite, white marble, and petrified wood. ^ 

Flora. — To attempt to give a complete account of the flora 
of the country occupied by the Mayas and the Lacandones would 
be to give a catalogue of the plants and trees which grow in the 
tierra caliente^ or warm country. I shall therefore limit my- 
self exclusively to those which are made use of by the Indians 
in their daily life. These in themselves unless curtailed would 
include almost as many as would come in the former list, inas- 
much as the native makes use of practically every tree, plant, 

1 For a detailed account of the temperature of Yucatan, see Casares, 1905, 
p. 21.3. 

2 The stone called jadeite is in all probability serpentine. 

3 Maler, 1901-1903, p. 84. 



20 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

and shrub for food, medicine, or in the practice of some of his 
arts. I shall take up first the woods which have been of most 
help to the Indian. The Lacandones use the mahogany tree in 
the manufacture of their canoes (tsem), hollowing out of a 
single log, by fire and the machete, a boat often thirty feet long. 
Logwood (^Hcematoxylon campechianum ^) is found tln-oughout 
the territory occupied by both these branches of the Maya 
stock. The Lacandones use it for the foreshafts of their arrows 
and for coloring. The guayacan, or lignum vitce {Ciuaicum sanc- 
tum}, furnishes an excellent wood for making bows, as it is 
flexible and at the same time very strong. The leaves of the 
ramon {AUcastrum brownei, Maya os) are used extensively in 
Yucatan for fodder, as there is little grass in the country. The 
gum of the Protium Jieptaphyllum is used as an incense in the 
religious ceremonies of both the Mayas and the Lacandones. 
It is called copal by the Mexicans and pom by the natives.^ The 
sap of the rubber tree (Castilloa elastica, Maya qiq) is also used 
as incense among the Lacandones. A pitch pine (Maya t6te) 
is used for light in making journeys by night. It burns with a 
slow steady flame. From the bark of a tree called in Maya baltse 
there is manufactured an intoxicating drink used extensively in 
the religious rites of the Lacandones and in certain of the cere- 
monies of the Mayas of Yucatan. A large variety of pliable 
vines (Spanish bejuco, Maya aq) grow in the country, and these 
are put to various uses. The leaves composing the roofs of 
the native huts are tied to the framework by these vines, and 
the frame itself is held together in the same manner. Baskets 
and the wickerwork doors of the houses are made of the vines. 

1 For the botanical names, I have, for the most part, followed Charles F. 
Millspaugh, 1896-1904. 

2 Cf. an early account of the use of copal in the " Relaci6n del Pueblo de 
Mama" (1580), 1900, Vol. XI, p 169, "... ay un arbol que llaman los yndios 
pom ; sera tan grande como una gran higuera dandole algunos golpes al Rededor 
y dejandolo dos dias destila de si una Resina como trementina exceto ques mas 
duray muy blanca Uainanle los espanoles copal y huele muy bien y tiene niuchas 
virtudes con lo qual se curan los yndios . . . usaban niucho los naturales deste 
gahumerio que les afrecian sacrificio a sus dioses, el qual dicho arbol ay en esto 
dicho pueblo y acuden en busca del demas de veynte leguas a la Redonda." 



HABITAT 21 

They are used in all the places where rope and twine would be 
used among a more civilized people. There are two varieties 
of hejuco which furnish water to the traveler in the forest. 
A piece six feet long often yields a half pint of water. 

A number of kinds of palms are found in Yucatan and Chiapas. 
The leaves of many of the varieties are used as roofs to the 
native huts. One of the most common kinds used in this con- 
nection is Sahal mezicana, guano in Spanish (Maya san). The 
ceiba QBombax ceiba, jNlaya yastse) is a tree which plays a part 
in the religious beliefs of the people (p. 154). 

Of fruits we find a large number, many of which grow wild. 
The chicosapote (^Sapota achras, Maya ya), the mamey (Lucuma 
mammosa)^ anona (^Anona squamosa)^ guanabana (^Ariona muri- 
cata)^guayaba (^Psidiumguajava), tamarindo (Tamarindus indica, 
Maya patsuhuk), aguacate (^Persea gratiasima, Nahuatl ahuacatl), 
mango (^Mangifera indiea^^ cocoanut (^Oocos iiucifera^, cocoyol 
{Acrocomia mexicana^ Nahuatl cocoyot\)\ papaya (^Papaya earica^ 
Maya put), and the cacao (Theobroma cacao, Maya sau) are 
found throughout most of the territory occupied by the Mayas. 
The lemon (^Citrus Umonum), the lime (^Citrus limetta'), the 
sour and sweet orange (^Citrus vulgaris and Citrus aurantiurn), 
two varieties of bananas (^Musa sapietitum, Maya bos, and Musa 
paradisiaca, Maya miya), and the pineapple {Anonas satiras^ 
are cultivated by many of the Mayas of the peninsula in little 
gardens often surrounding their huts. Bananas, limes, and a 
small tomnto (^Ly coper sicum esculeyitum, Maya beyantsan, Nahuatl 
tomatl) are grown by the Lacandones. The achiote (^Bixia orel- 
lana, Nahuatl achiyotetl) and chayote QSecluum edule, Nahuatl 
chayotli) are found among both the Mayas and the Lacandones. 

The camote {Convolvulus batatas, Maya is, Nahuatl camotli), 
yuca (^Manihot utilissima, Maya oin), frejoles (^Phaseolus vul- 
garis, Maya buul), a flat bean called in Maya ip, chili {Cap- 
sicum baccatum, Nahuatl chilli) are grown in the fields, together 
with the corn (Maya isim) among both the Mayas and the 
Lacandones. Cotton (Maya taman) is cultivated especially 
among the latter people. 



22 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

Tobacco (Maya quo) and sugar cane are grown in small 
quantities both in Yucatan and Cliiapas. In Yucatan there 
are several large sugar plantations, where anis, the drink of the 
country, is made. The northern half of the peninsula of 
Yucatan, owing to the shallowness of the soil overlying the 
limestone, is singularly fitted for the cultivation of henequen 
(^Agave rigida elongata or Agave sisalana). From a commer- 
cial standpoint this is by far the most important product of 
the country. 

Many varieties of gourds grow in both regions. They are 
called in Spanish jicaras, after the Nahuatl word xicalli. In 
Maya, luts is the name given to one variety ( Crescentia cujete}. 
They are universally used among both the Mayas and the 
Lacandones for vessels of all kinds, and a certain variety make 
canteens for carrying water on journeys. 

Fauna. — As with the flora, so with the fauna, the list will 
be limited to include only that part used principally for food 
among the Mayas and Lacandones. A complete list of the 
animal and bird life in the country of the Mayas would take in 
with few exceptions all the animals and birds found in the 
colder portions of the torrid zone. 

Game in abundance is found everywhere throughout Yucatan 
and Chiapas. In Yucatan we find at least two species of deer 
(^Odocoileus toltecus^ and Hippocamelus pandora^ Maya ke), two 
species of wild turkey {Meleagris mexicana and Agriocharis oeel- 
lata, Maya kuo), the wild boar ( Tagassu angulatum, Maya qeqem), 
the partridge (^Eupsychortyx nigrogularis, Maya wan), quail 
(Dactylortyx thoracicus sharpei, Maya bets or kos), the arma- 
dillo ( Tatu novemcinetum, Maya wets), and a large number of 
less important animals which are hunted for game. In the 
country inhabited by the Lacandones there should be added the 
ocelot (^Felis pardalis^, the mountain lion {Felisconcolor), the 
jaguar {Felis onca, Maya balum or tsakmul), the tapir (^Tapirella 
dowi), two specimens of monkeys (^Ateles veUerosus, Maya maas, 

II am indebted to Dr. Cole for the scientilic names. 



HABITAT 23 

and Salmiri orstedii, Ma3^a baao), two species of parrot {Amazona 
alhifrons and Conurus aztee, Maya tut), the badger {Taxidea 
taxus, Maya kotom), and the Tepeizquinte (^Agouti 'paca). 
Alligators (Maya ayin) and turtles are abundant in the rivers 
and lakes. Iguanas (hu) are rarely eaten, although they are 
very common in Yucatan. Snails (Melania lexissima, Maya 
Sot) furnish a means of sustenance among the Lacandones. 

A species of dog was known before the advent of the 
Spaniards. It is described in the early accounts as having no 
hair, with only a few and sharply pointed teeth and small ears 
and that it did not bark.i 

An interesting study and one well worthy of attention would 
be an attempt at identifying the many kinds of fauna repre- 
sented in the three Maya Codices ^ and in the bas-reliefs found 
on the ruined buildings. Many different kinds of animals are 
to be noted, and in some cases they may be clearly made out.^ 
Among the Nahuas, ten of the twenty day signs represent the 
heads of animals : cipactli, crocodile ; cuetzpalin, lizard ; couatl, 
snake ; magatl, deer ; tochtli, rabbit ; itzcuintli, dog ; ogomatli, 
ape ; ocelotl, jaguar ; quauhtli, eagle ; and cozcaquauhtli, vulture. 

1 " Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 63: ". . . ay perros 
naturales dela tierra que no tienen pelo ninguno, y no ladran, que tienen los 
dientes ralos e agudos, las orejas pequenas, tiesas y levantadas — a estos engordan 
los yndios para comer y los tienen por gran rregalo — estos se juntan con los 
perros de espaiia." 

2 The Troano, published by Brasseur de Bourbourg in 1869 and 1870 ; the 
Cortesianus, a part of the precedhig manuscript, published by Juan de Dios de 
la Rada y Delgado in 1893 ; the Dresden, published by Fiirsteniann in 1880 and 
again in 1892 ; and the Peresianus, published by Leon de Rosny in 1887, are the 
most available editions of the three Maya pre-Columbian manuscripts. 

3 Compare the mythological animals represented in Schellas, 1897 and 1904. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 

The whole Maya race is short in stature. The male Lacan- 
done is of slightly higher stature than the Maya of Yucatan. 
The women of both sections are about equally short. ^ The 
Mayas of Yucatan are a strongly bracliy cephalic race. The 
Lacanclones who were measured exceed the Mayas in the 
cephalic index. They are probably the most brachycephalic of 
any of the Mexican and Central American peoples. ^ 

The whole Maya race is physically a most capable one. The 
Lacandone is here again slightly ahead of the Maya in this 
respect. The complete isolation of the Lacandone has freed 
him from assuming the tamed and subdued character that is 
often noted in the Maya proper. Both the Maya and Lacandone 
have broad foreheads and broad shoulders, stand erect and walk 
with remarkable ease and grace. The Lacandones often make 
long journeys on foot to the shrines of their various gods. The 
women accompany the men on these trips, often carrying a 
child astride the hips (PI. Ill, Fig. 2), together with another 
swung on a net on the back. Landa regards this custom of 
carrying children astride the hip as the cause of the many cases 
of crooked legs among the Mayas.^ This may well be the true 
cause of this deformity. 

The Lacandone women are physically nearly as capable as 
the men, often cutting the firewood for the use of the family, 
besides helping the husband in the clearing away of the forest 

1 Sapper (1904, p. 11) distinguishes between a short type in northern Yucatan, 
a taller, more slender type in central Yucatan, and a short, thick-set type in 
southern Yucatan. 

2 In a short series of nineteen both of the Mayas and of the Lacandones, the 
index for the Mayas was 85.4 and for the Lacandones 86.5. Starr (1902, p. 51), 
in a series of one hundred men and twenty-five women, found the mean cephalic 
index to be 85. His mean measurement for the stature of males was 1552.4. 
This seems to me to be a little low. 

3 Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 112 : " Que los Indios de Yucatan son bien dis- 
puestos y altos y rezios y de muchas fuergas y comunmente todos estevados, 
porque en su ninez, quando las madres los Uevan de una parte a otra, van ahorca- 
jados en los quadriles." 

24 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 25 

in preparing the ground for sowing. The Maya women, on the 
other hand, are much more delicate as a general thing, and 
would be physically incapable of enduring some of the hardships 
which the Lacandone women have to suffer. 

The features of the Mayas as a whole are often very strong 
and noble. They are a prognathous race. The women of 
Chiapas do not have the beauty so often spoken of in connection 
with the native women of Yucatan. 

The color of the Lacandone is a golden brown slightly lighter 
than that of the native of the peninsula. Discoloration of 
the skin was noted in one family of the Lacandones. This 
is more common however among the Mexicans occupying 
the same country. The hair of the Lacandone is black and 
often has some curl. In the children, it i« often bleached 
by the sun to a reddish hue. The hair of the Maya proper 
is in general perfectly straight. The Lacandone men as well 
as the women wear the hair long. It thus serves as a pro- 
tection for the neck and shoulders.^ In one settlement only 
did I see any one with short hair (PI. IV, Fig. 2). When 
those with short hair were conducting a religious rite, a piece of 
cloth was tied over the head and hung down behind. This was 
not noted in the case of those whose hair was long. The women 
wear it simply tied at the back and not in the knot as seen 
among the Maya women. The Lacandone man very often has 
considerable hair on his face and especially on the tip of his 
chin, where it is allowed to remain.^ The heads on the incense- 

1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 114: " Que criavan cabello como las mugeres; 
por lo alto quemavan como una buena corona." 

Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 498: " Traian las cabelleras largas, 
quanto pueden crezer : Y assi, es lo mas dificultoso en los ludios el reduzirlos 
k cortarles el pelo, porque el traerlo largo es senal de Idolatria. Y los Sacerdotes 
de sus Idolos, nunca las peynavan trayendolas emplastadas, y enredadas en 
mechones ; porque las untavan continuamente con la sangre de los que sacri- 
ficavan." 

2 This is in accordance with what we find on many of the sculptured figures 
■which are shown as possessing a beard. In only a few cases in the Maya Codices 
do we find figures represented with beards. For a detailed discussion of the ap- 
pearance and dress of the figures shown in the inscriptions and manuscripts as 
compared with the accounts given by the early travelers, see Schellhas, 1890, 



26 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

burners of the gods are represented as having beards. This 
idea of the gods having hair on the chin is doubtless the reason 
why the men never pull out the hair or shave, as do the natives 
of the peninsula.! 

As a race, the Mayas are healthy. The Lacandones use 
great care in the selection of their camp sites and generally 
hold themselves completely aloof from the Mexican element of 
the population, who they fear will bring them fevers and 
colds. They have great powers of endurance, making, as has 
been stated, long journeys on foot and often carrying heavy 
burdens on the back suspended by a strap over the forehead. 
The children, when old enough to walk, are accustomed each to 
carry his proportionate load when going to and from the fields. 

Other than a possible slight flattening of the skull in front, 
owing to the custom of suspending burdens from the forehead,^ 
the Lacandones do not artificially deform their crania. The 
Mayas of Yucatan have the slight flattening of the head in 
front as well. They too have the universal custom of sus- 
pending burdens on the back, a part of the weight of which 
comes on the forehead.^ The Mayas are not as erect as the 
Lacandones, and when under a heavy load they run in a slow 
and even gait. They too are capable of making singularly 
long journeys on foot, often under heavy burdens. 

The sacral spot is found on very young infants of pure 
Indian blood. It vanishes usually after the first year of birth. 
It is variable in size and usually of a purple color.* 

1 This is not in accordance with Landa (18G4, Chap. XX, p. 114), who speaks 
of the Mayas as pulling out the hairs of the face. "No criavan barbas, y dezian 
que les quemavan los rostros sus madres con panos calientes, siendo ninos, por 
que no les naciessen, y que agora crian barbas aunque muy asperas como cerdas 
de tocines." 

2 This slight flattening doiibtless has some effect on the cephalic index, and 
may partially explain the extreme brachycephalic character of the heads 
measured (p. 24, note 2). 

3 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 114: "Y que tenian las cabe5as y frentes 
lianas, hecho tambien de sus madres por industria desde ninos." 

4 Starr (1903) observed it on children of pure blood of less than a year old, 
but notes that it was lacking in children of mixed blood. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 27 

Among the early Mayas, tattooing was practiced. ^ The 
women, according to the early accounts, filed their teeth, and 
the mothers artificially deformed the heads of their children.^ 
No traces of these customs have been found either among the 
present Mayas or the Lacandones. 

Writers have often remarked upon the great neatness of 
the Mayas. This is, indeed, a very evident fact. In spite of 
the scarcity of water in some places, bathing is almost a daily 
custom, and even considering the fact that the dress of both the 
men and the women is of white material, it is very seldom that 
one sees a soiled garment. The methods of cooking among 
the Mayas are remarkable for their cleanliness. As much can- 
not be said of the Lacandones, who are far below the Mayas in 
respect to personal and domestic cleanliness. 

Intellectually the Lacandones who have been encountered do 
not rank as high as the Mayas of the peninsula, who are gen- 
erally quick to learn, quick to understand, and think with 
considerable rapidity. The mental processes of the Lacan- 
dones seem to act with much more slowness. 

The Maya race is inherently a moral one.^ The morals of 
the Lacandones are good. Their family life is happy, and 
even with a multiplicity of wives, there is seldom any occasion 
for discord and strife. They view with disgust the loose 
morals and the infidelity of the Mexicans with whom they 
come in contact. They have the strongest of family attach- 
ments and great respect for old age. 

Morally as well as physically the Mayas proper rank below 
the Lacandones. The second may be the result of the first 
and both the result of their condition. The working force on 
the large henequen haciendas, which cover the whole northern 

1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXI, p. 120: " Labravanse los cuerpos y quanto mas, 
tan to mas valientes y bravosos se teniau." 

2 Ibid., Chap. XXXI, p. 182. A skull found at Labna, Yucatan, now in the 
Peabody Museum, Cambridge, has the teeth iiled into points. Many of the 
mask-lil?e snouted figures composing the decoration on the facades of the ruined 
structures in northern Yucatan have the teeth represented as filed. 

3 Cf. Sapper, 1905. 



28 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

part of the peninsula, is composed entirely of Mayas, So 
important is this branch of industry that a separate and dis- 
tinct set of laws has grown up to regulate the relations 
between the owners of the haciendas and their workmen. On 
all the large plantations improved methods have come in, much 
to the betterment of the native. It has now been acknowl- 
edged that success is in proportion to the health and comfort 
of the natives. It has taken many years, however, to arrive at 
this opinion. Improved dwellings, medical care, and better 
superintendence is doing much to raise the condition of the 
Indian. According to law, a native as long as he is indebted 
to another virtually belongs to the owner of the debt. The 
servants on the haciendas all have debts against them ranging 
sometimes as high as one thousand pesos. At the present time 
labor is very scarce in Yucatan, and it is often only after a 
struggle that an Indian is allowed to pay his debt, and thus 
becomes free. 

Drunkenness is a very great evil throughout the whole 
peninsula, and does much to destroy the physical well-being of 
the native. On the haciendas the laborers are often more or 
less intoxicated on Sundays and feast days. It is regarded as 
a thing that cannot be helped by the white men of the country. 
On week days the men are held in check by the mayordomo. 
On many of the plantations in the morning and again at night 
each man is given a drink of ams, the beverage of the country. 

Among the Lacandones drunkenness is seen, but it is always 
in connection with their religious rites. It does not have the 
evil effect as noted in Yucatan. It is considered a part of the 
obligation of the feast in behalf of the gods that the partici- 
pants should become intoxicated. The gods are said, however, 
not to like wranglings and disputes. Consequently, these 
seldom occur. Dancing and singing are pleasing to the gods, 
and these are indulged in by the participants in the cere- 
monies. 

The Lacandones are generally truthful, honest, and mild 
except when exasperated, and sometimes with good reason, at 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 29 

the acts of their Mexican neighbors. The Mayas are not as 
generally truthful, although mild and gentle except when 
under the influence of liquor. Both the Lacandone and the 
Maya are naturally hospitable and generous.^ 

Clothing. — As in everything except language, so in clothing, 
the Lacandone differs from the Maya of the peninsula. The 
native male of Chiapas wears in addition to the loin cloth 
(qagnSk) which stretches several times around his body, with 
the ends hanging down behind and in front,^ a single cotton 
garment of. poncho form (sikul) (PI. IV, Figs. 1 and 2).^ This 
garment is woven in two pieces of cloth and the two sewed 
together lengthwise, with the exception of openings for the 
arms and for the head. The dress hangs to the knees. 
Formerly, and even now, in some remote localities far removed 
from any trading center, this garment is made of maguey fiber 
or from the bark of a tree (PL V, Fig. 1).* 

The Lacandones wear no head covering of any sort and seldom 
any protection for the feet. When they are at work in their 
fields, they sometimes wear a sandal of leather fastened to the 
foot by a cord passing over the toes and over the heel. 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIII, p. 134 : " Que los Yucataneses son muy 
partidos y hospitales, porque entra nadie en su casa a quien no den la comida o 
bevida, que tienen de dia de sus bevidas, de noche de sus coniidas.*' 

^ Ibid., Chap. XX, p. 116: "Que su vestido era un liston de una mano 
en ancho que les servia de bragas y calgas y que se davan con el algunas 
vueltas por la cintura, de manera que el un cabo calgava dalante y el otro 
detras." 

Also cf. "Relacidn de los Pueblos de Campocolche y Chochola," 1900, Vol. 
XIII, p. 189: ". . . los bestidos antiguos destos yndios era andar en cueros sola- 
mente sus verguengas con una venda que algunas de ellas a cinco e seis varas 
cehydas y dadas tres e quatro bueltas por los quadriles e por debaxo de las 
piernas e quedavale un rramal por detras y el otro por delante de manera que 
le tapava todo con las nalgas de fuera y todo lo demas del cuerpo." 

This band is seen represented in both the Maya Codices and the bas-reliefs. 
Cf. Schellhas, 1890, p. 218. 

3 Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 498: "Sus vestiduras, de que 
usavan, eran unos Ayates, 6 Gabaches, sin Mangas, y sus Mantas, todo de 
Algod6n, texido de varios colores." 

* The articles pictured throughout the paper are without exception in the 
Peabody Museum of Harvard University, Cambridge. The ethnological speci- 
mens, with but few exceptions, were collected by the writer, and, owing to the 



30 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

The Lacandone women wear the same poncho-\\ke garment 
as the men.i In addition to this, they also wear a scant skirt 
(pik) reaching from the breasts to the ankles (PL V, Fig. 2).2 
This is held in place by a band of cloth wound several times 
around the waist, forming a wide belt (uhetSebinnoq) which is 
concealed by the upper garment. In one of the settlements 
visited, the women wore simply the jyowcAo-like upper garment, 
which came down below the knees, thus dispensing with the 
skirt altogether. The women, as well as the men, never wear 
any covering for the head or any protection for the feet. The 
children often go entirely nude until the age of two or three 
years, when they wear clothes the exact counterpart of those 
worn by their fathers and mothers (PL VI, Fig. 1). Every man 
usually has two garments, one woven by his wife of the native 
cotton, and another made of the common cotton cloth of Mexi- 
can manufacture. Tlie woman usually wears the hand-woven 
skirt, but the upper garment is often made of calico or of white 
cotton cloth. The skirt is woven in fine colored lines. 

The Lacandone women wear a bunch of gayly colored bird 
feathers and the breasts of small birds hanging from the back 
of the hair where it is tied. They are also further adorned 
with necklaces, often wearing as many as twelve strings of 
beads and seeds (PL V, Fig. 2).'5 These necklaces are com- 
posed principally of small black seeds (tSankala) which have 
to be strung when green. A very effective necklace is made 
of red berries (qante). Job's tears {Ciox laert/ma, Maya suk- 
paen) are grown extensively, and these are strung and worn 
especially by the children. One necklace was seen made of 
mussel shells hung as pendants from a cord (PL XIV, Fig. 1). 

kindness of the council of the Institute, they were turned over to the Peabody 
Museum. 

1 In the Maya manuscripts in most instances where women are represented, 
the upper portion of the body is shown uncovered. 

2 Cf. representations from the Codices pictured in Schellhas, 1890, p. 220. 

3 Necklaces of many varieties and often very elaborate are shown on both 
male and female figures in the Codices and on the bas-reliefs. Cf. Schellhas, 
1890. 



PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS 31 

From the lower ends of the strands of seeds there often hang 
pendants of various sorts, among which are pieces of bone, bits 
of sweet-smelling wood, and the skulls of very small monkeys. 
These are in the nature of charms. The Mexicans when travel- 
ing through this part of the country often bring in for barter 
strings of glass beads. These are highly prized by the natives. 

Small children often have single bird feathers tied at inter- 
vals on the hair at the back of the head. These seem to have 
no other purpose than decoration. 

In certain of the ceremonies, the men and women have a 
narrow band of fiber bark (huun),i colored red, and tied 
around the forehead (PL XXVI, Fig. 1). The decoration of 
one's person, such as facial painting, will be taken up under 
ornamental art (p. 72). 

The Mayas of Yucatan are much more picturesque in their 
dress than the Lacandones. The dress of the women is of 
the same general form as that of the women of Chiapas. ^ 
The material, however, is quite different. It is of the whitest 
linen or cotton cloth,^ of Mexican or American manufacture, as 
contrasted with the coarse and rough garment of the Lacandone 
woven in the primitive loom from cotton of his own raising 
and spinning. 

The Maya woman cuts her upper garment (yupte), called 
in Spanish hipil after the Nahuatl word huepilli, very wide 
and full. The opening for the neck is square, the edge 
of which, together with the bottom of the garment, is decorated 
with a band of the finest needlework in bright colors and 

1 This is also the Maya term for book or paper. The bark of the tree is 
pounded out so thin that it resembles paper. It was this sort of bark of which 
the ancient manuscripts were made. 

2 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Cliap. V, p. 188, thus describes the dress of the 
women at the time he wrote : " Las mugeres usan de Uaipiles que es una vesti- 
dura, que coge desde la garganta hasta la media pierna, con una abertura en lo 
superior por donde entra la cabeQa, y otras dos por lo superior de los lados por 
donde salen los bra9os, que queda cubiertos mas de hasta la mitad, porque no se 
cine al cuerpo esta ropa, que tambien les sirve de camisa." 

^Cf. Ibid., p. 187: "Visten ropas de algodon blanquissimo, de que hazen 
camisas, y cal^ones, y unas mantas como de vara y medio en quadro, quell aman 
tilmas, 6 hayates." 



32 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

often by an edging of hand-made lace. The ordinary every- 
day dress of the woman has, in place of the embroidery, a 
band of cotton cloth stamped with a simple design colored 
or in black (PL VI, Fig. 2). The skirt (pik), which is worn 
longer than among the women of Chiapas, is of the same white 
material as the hipil. This is also decorated with the embroid- 
er}' and the lace. In the small hamlets the women often 
wear simply the skirt when at work around the hut or in the 
fields. 

The hair of the Maya woman is worn tied at the back of the 
head in two loops (sinta). The women cover their heads with 
the rehosa (boti), a long scarf either of cotton or of brightly 
colored silk, wound around the shoulders and over the head 
(PI. VI, Fig. 2). The women of the cities and larger towns 
wear gold earrings and elaborate gold chains on which are 
usually hung the medals of the Catholic Church. 

The Maya men wear breeches (Skulei) of white cotton 
cloth and a simple shirt of the same material, usually hanging 
outside the breeches (PL VII, Fig. 2). When working in the 
fields they invariably wear a piece of cloth tied around the 
waist, which serves as an apron (tsiknaknoq). Those who live 
in the cities often have the shirt made of some colored cloth. 
In this case it is longer, contains two pockets near the bottom, 
and the apron is usually dispensed with. In the fields, the men 
ordinarily divest themselves of the shirt and wear only the short 
breeches with the apron (PL VII, Fig. 2). The head is always 
covered with a wide-brimmed hat of braided straw. 

The women wear slippers of modern manufacture and the 
men sandals (sanapqewel) of leather, attached to the foot by 
a strap or rope passing between the first and second toes 
(PL VII, Fig. 2).i 

1 The figures represented in the Codices are seldom shown with any protec- 
tion for the feet. On the bas-reliefs sandals are more common, but they are 
shown as attached by two cords passing between the first and second and the 
third and fourth toes, a method different from that now in use where only one 
cord is employed. Cf. Schellhas, 1890, pp. 215-216. Some figures in the Codi- 
ces are shown as wearing sandals with a piece behind coming up over the heel. 



SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 

The relations of the Lacandones to those around them are 
generally slight. The greater part of the country occupied by 
this people is under grant by the government to companies 
formed for the exploitation of mahogany. These companies 
have headquarters on the rivers and from these settlements as 
centers radiate temporary camps called monterias, which are 
found practically everywhere throughout the territory occupied 
by the Lacandones. The Lidians thus have a limited contact 
with the Mexicans who live in these logging camps. They 
visit these monterias when they are in need of salt; and the 
Mexicans, on the other hand, when passing to and from the 
different camps, visit the Lidians, more often stealing than 
buying bananas and tobacco from the Lacandones. This com- 
paratively slight contact with the Spanish population has all 
come within the last five years. It seems up to the present 
time to have had no perceptible influence on their daily life. 
The Indians still keep up their ancient rites, undisturbed by the 
I^Iexicans, whom they never allow to approach, or see their 
idols or any of the ceremonies. The Mexicans regard the 
Indians as quite beneath their notice other than as curiosities. 

In the customs and rites of the Lacandones, no trace of the 
early Spanish Catholic contact is to be found. After repeated 
attempts the early explorers and missionaries, owing to their ill 
success, finally gave up their idea of converting the Lacandones 
(p. 13). A little farther to the north, the natives of Palenque, 
who speak another dialect of the Maya, are all good Catholics. 
Their former religion, as is the case in Yucatan, has given way 
to that brought in by tlie Spanish missionaries. These people 
were much more accessible than were the inhabitants of the 

interior of Chiapas. 

33 



34 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

Galindo (1834) makes the following significant remark con- 
cerning the pureness of the Lacandones of the Maya stock: 
" La seiile portion de pure race restant de cette grande nation 
[Maya], se reduit a quelques tribus eparses, habitant principale- 
nient les bords des rivieres Usumasinta ... la totalite de leur 
territoire fait, politiquement parlant, partie du Peten." 

Sometimes in one of the monterias there is found a Lacandone 
who has adopted the life and customs of the Mexicans. His 
hair is short, and he is not readily to be distinguished from 
his fellow-Mexican. This desertion of the family gods is not 
common. The Lacandones regard such a course as a bad 
breach of conduct. The seceding Indian, on the other hand, 
thinks it an upward move. He often renounces his family, and 
in some cases he refuses to understand his native tongue. 

With the exception of the few Indians who have renounced 
their tribe for good and all, no case of intermarriage between 
the Lacandones and the Mexicans has been observed. The 
slight contact between the two races is shown in the very cur- 
sory knowledge of Spanish by the Lacandone, and the very 
few Maya words known by the Mexicans of the country. 
Those Lacandones who live in the vicinity of the logging 
camps understand a few Spanish words necessary in trading 
with the Mexicans. There are only a very few who are able 
to carry on any connected conversation in Spanish. 

Mr. Sapper ^ gives as a reason for the freedom from Spanislr 
influence and control the fact that they " even then " were a 
nomadic people. The Lacandones are an agricultural rather 
than a nomadic race. That they are a nomadic people seems 
to be disproved by the fact that they are divided into totemic 
divisions, which may still be identified with certain localities. 

3 Sapper, 1897, p. 259: "Audi in der Conquista-Zeit ist ihre Zahl schon ziem- 
lich beschrankt gewesen, iiiul audi damals waren sie sdion wenig sesshaft, wie 
man aus den Nachrichten alterev Schriftsteller entnimnit, und aus der Verpfle- 
gungsschwierigkeit fiir die Truppen und der steten Veranderung der Lacan- 
donenwohnsitze erklart es sidi audi in erster Linie, weslialb das in den unzu- 
ganglichen Urwaldern hausende Volk niemals unter die Botmassigkeit der 
Spanier gekommen ist." 



SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 35 

They are primarily an agricultural people, and a wandering life 
would be impossible. It is true that a change of residence is 
made as often as the fields become barren, but the new site is 
in the immediate neighborhood of the former home. Their 
whole manner of life is entirely at variance with that of a 
nomadic character. Finally, the collection of incense-burners 
made by each encampment as representatives of the gods, 
together with the sacred shrine where they are kept, would seem 
to show a certain permanence in their dwelling place. We 
must, I think, look for another cause for the failure of the Span- 
ish to make a permanent impression upon the life and customs 
of the Lacandones, such as they were so successful in doing 
among the Mayas of Yucatan and in other parts of Mexico. If 
one but reads the Fifth Letter i of Hernando Cortes to Charles V 
of Spain, describing the expedition to Honduras, and the less 
colored account by Bernal Diaz,^ he will readily see the main 
cause of the ill success of the Spanish in the territory drained 
by the Usumacinta. In a country where, as in eastern Yucatan, 
there are no natural impediments in the way of progress such 
as rivers, swamps, or high mountains, it was only after repeated 
outbreaks and insurrections that the main body of the Mayas 
of Yucatan were compelled to acknowledge the superior force 
of Spanish arms and Spanish religion. Even to this day, a part 
still hold out against Mexican rule. It is not then surprising 
that, in a habitat where the natural difficulties at certain sea- 
sons of the year are practically unsurmountable, the Spanish 
were unsuccessful with a people of the same race as those whose 
allegiance was gained only partially under the most favorable 
of natural conditions. The accounts given by Cortes of the 
difficulties he suffered in crossing Chiapas and Guatemala are 
no exaggerations, and this was the very country occupied by 
the Lacandones. 

Another cause which may have prevented any prolonged 
attempt of the Spanish to conquer the natives of the upper 
Usumacinta was the natural poverty of the country in the way 
1 See note 2, p. 14. ^ Diaz, 1632. 



36 MAYAS A WD LACANDONES 

of mineral wealth. An inborn courage, the love of liberty, and 
the fact of the dissemination of the natives may be ascribed 
as other causes of the prolonged independence of the Lacan- 
dones. There is no reason to suppose, however, that these 
people are any more sincere in their observances of the old 
rites than once were those farther to the north together with 
the natives of the peninsula. 

The two people at one time were, in all probability, one in 
customs and religion as they now practically are in language, 
because, as will be shown later, the customs described by Diego 
de Landa and the other early missionaries and historians as 
existing in their time are identical in many ways with those 
now carried on by the Lacandones. These two sections of the 
Maya stock are separated by a range of mountains which has 
proved to be a dividing line between the two fields as regards 
contact with Spanish influence. 

As to the relation of the Mayas of Yucatan with people of 
another blood, one very interesting fact comes out, a fact noted 
b}^ all historians and writers on the inhabitants of the peninsula. 
The Spanish, as seen throughout Mexico, Central and South 
America, came into the country with their language, religion, 
and customs. Unlike any other part of the vast territory in 
the new world governed by a Spanish-speaking population, 
Yucatan stands almost alone in the fact that the native lan- 
guage has survived and has not been superseded by the language 
of the Spaniards, conquerors in all other respects. In most of 
the states of Mexico, with the exception of Yucatan, very little 
remains of the native tongue. It is only found in isolated 
communities where there is little or no contact with the 
Mexican element. In Yucatan, the conditions are much differ- 
ent. Whether in Merida, its largest city, with an ever increas- 
ing European population, or in the fastness of the suhlevado 
Indians, the native language has still survived. The Mayas 
almost without exception speak their mother tongue, and the 
white people of the country often speak Maya more or less 
fluently. On the haciendas which cover the whole northern 



SOCIAL CHAEACTERISTICS 37 

part of the peninsula, tlie mayordomos invariably speak Maya 
to the servants, and even the owners frequently use the same 
tongue when addressing the field hands. Books are printed in 
Maya and sermons are frequently given in it in the churches. 
The priests almost without exception have a knowledge of the 
language. 

The contact with Mexican influence has also failed to change 
the native manner of dressing. Tradition is so strong on this 
point that if an aspiring Indian assumes the American or 
Spanish custom of dress, he is chided and made fun of until 
he is quite ready to resume the cotton pantaloons and shirt of 
his race. In most respects, however, other than language 
and dress, the Maya of Yucatan is practically one with the 
Mexican. What remains of the native beliefs and religion has 
been altered so that it coincides more or less faithfully with 
the ideas of the Catholic Church. 

The Lacandones have been described as an agricultural rather 
than a nomadic people. The Mayas as well do not seem to have 
a wandering spirit. They usually are born and die in the same 
place and their children after them. If the fathers are in- 
dented servants on the haciendas, the sons usually become so, 
although they do not as a rule inherit the debts of their fathers. 
It takes usually more energy than the Mayas possess to over- 
come the inertia necessary in making a new move. 

The Lacandones recognize the Mayas of the peninsula as 
speaking the same language and as members of the same tribe. 
They observe, however, a difference when speaking about 
them. They say that the Mayas of Yucatan have different 
Santos, meaning the protective saints of the Catholic Church as 
contrasted with the native gods of the race. They recognize, 
moreover, a closer relation between themselves and the Mayas 
proper, than between themselves and the natives living to the 
northward around Palenque, who speak the Choi dialect of the 
Maya stock. This is not as closely allied to the dialect spoken 
by the Lacandones as is that of the natives of Yucatan. There 
is a much closer relation, however, between the Lacandones and 



38 MAYAS AND LAC AN DON ES 

the Itzas of Peten, tlian between the former and the inhabit- 
ants of the peninsula to the northward. By some authorities, 
the Itzas and the Lacandones are regarded as the same people. 
Constant trade communications were kept up between the 
settlements on the Usumacinta and its affluents and those of 
Peten. 

The Maj^as recognize the Lacandones as speaking the same 
language, but as a people very slightly connected with them, 
inasmuch as tlieir customs differ so considerably. When any 
mention is made of the Mayas of Tabasco and Chiapas, they 
are always described as 710 son cristianos. 

The divisions of the Lacandones among themselves show the 
remains of a once well-regulated system, now more or less 
broken down. The natives live in widely scattered settlements, 
two or three related families together. 

The Lacandones move their encampments, as has been stated, 
from place to place, but only within a very narrow range. As 
soon as the fields around a settlement become barren, a new site 
is found in the immediate vicinity. Thus a family always lives 
in the same general locality, and there is a certain idea of per- 
manence in their method of living absent in that of a truly 
nomadic people. The changes of encampment usually come 
every three or four years. There is no rule that on the death 
of a member of the family, a new home must be found. This 
is sometimes done, but it is always owing to the supposed or 
real unhealthfulness of a certain locality, rather than to any 
tribal custom. 

These settlements are usually made on the site of a corn field 
(PL VIII, Figs. 1, 2, and 3). Each consists of a sacred hut, 
where all the religious observances are carried on, and where 
the gods of the family are kept (p. Ill), a smaller hut or sheltei 
where the food is prepared for the offerings made to the idols, 
and one or more domestic huts. Sometimes two families live 
in the same house but occupy separate ends. The domestic life 
of each family is distinct. There is little idea of communal 



SOCIAL CHABACTERISTICS 39 

life other than that side touching the religion and the possession 
of the fields. 

Each encampment has four trails leading to it, corresponding 
to the four cardinal points.^ 

As has been stated concerning the Nahuatl race at the time 
of the Conquest,^ so it is true of the Lacandones of the present 
time, they '^lave achieved progress to descent in the male line." 
The oldest son of the first and principal wife is the main heir. 
The younger sons receive a part of the inheritance, consisting 
principally of the idols of the gods. If there are no sons, the 
brothers of the dead man inherit his possessions. The land 
is held in common, so that property in land does not exist. 
Daughters do not inherit any of the personal possessions of 
their father. As would be expected from the fact that the 
women take no part in the observance of the religion, they oc- 
cupy an inferior place in the household. A widow usually lives 
with the oldest son, and as head of the family it is his duty to 
support her. 

Mr. Bandelier calls attention to the curious fact that among 
the early Mexicans certain grades of consanguinity are called 
by the same names, showing that the modern descriptive system 
for relationship appears in a minority of cases only. From this 
he infers that the Mexican family was yet but imperfectly con- 
stituted at the time of the Conquest.^ Among the Lacandones 
we find the same thing true. The title Yum is given to the 
father, the paternal uncles and the eldest son of the oldest 
uncle, the future head of the family. Brothers, sisters, and 
cousins call each other by the same name. The oldest brother 
or male cousin is called Sukun, the oldest sister or female cousin, 
Kik. The oldest children are thus distinguished as to age and 
sex. The younger brothers, sisters, and cousins of both sexes 
all have the same name, Wioin. 



1 Cf. Landa, 1804, Chap. XXXV. p. 210: " Uso era en todos los pueblos de 
Yucatan tener hecho dos montones de piedra, uno en frente de otro, a la entrada 
del pueblo por todas las quatro partes del pueblo. . . ." 

2 Bandelier, 1879, p. 567. ^ /jjVZ., p. 670. 



40 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

Each family branch bears the name of some animal. This is 
transmitted through the male line. Inasmuch as the members 
of one line of descent generally live in the same neighborhood, 
the animal names become associated with certain localities. 
Landa makes no mention of the family totem names. He says, 
however, that it was considered a sin for members of the same 
family to marry. ^ Now, although not frequent, one sometimes 
finds a marriage existing between two people of the same family 
connection, thus bearing the same animal name. 

Whatever there may have been of the idea of the totem and 
totemic devices in regard to the animals, it has been lost, and 
nothing remains but the mere animal name of the division. 
The animal totem is called yonen, the general term for rela- 
tive. The kid (yuk) painted on the ceremonial robe (PL XV, 
Fig. 1) is the only example found where there was any approach 
to a representation of a totemic device. There seems to be a 
common practice of keeping in captivity the animals connected 
with the settlement in a totemic signification. Monkeys, doves, 
and small birds were noted as kept as pets, especially by the 
women. 

The names of eighteen animal divisions were obtained. The 
location given may be taken only approximately, as it was im- 
possible to obtain an accurate idea of the situation of the differ- 
ent gentes. The people who live in the vicinity of Lake Petha^ 
belong to the maaS (Spanish mico) or monkey gens. Near 
Anaite, on the Usumacinta River, live the koton (Spanish tejoti} 
or badger gens and the sanhol gens. Tlie Mexicans of the 
country call the sanhol the cabeza hlanca. The qeqen (Span- 
ish jabalin) or wild boar, the kitam (Spanish puerco del 
monte)^ the ke (Spanish venado) or small deer, the yuk (Span- 
ish cabritu) or kid, the tsilup (Spanish golondrina)^ and the 
sup gens are all located near the shores of the Lacantun River. 
It was impossible to obtain a more accurate idea of their situa- 

1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXV, p. 140 : " y muchos avia que nunca avian tenido 
sino una (mujer) la qual ninguno toraava de su nombre, de parte de su padre." 

2 See map in Maler, 1901-1903, Plate I. 



SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 41 

tion. Near Teiiosique are found the qambul (Spanish faisan) 
or pheasant, the balum or tiger, and the mo or macaw gens. 
Near the monteria of San Hipolito (a few leagues north of Lake 
Petha) are to be found the harleu (Spanish tepeizquinte) and 
kos (Spanish cojolito i) gens. Near El Cambio, on the Chan- 
cala River, are located the wan (Spanish perdiz) or partridge, 
the tut or parrot, and the baao (Spanish saraguato) gens. 
The akmai (Spanish mico de 7ioche) gens is said to be located 
at Peten in Guatemala. 

In addition to the animal name which every person bears, 
there is another designation which is very indefinite. The 
people of the qeqen and kitam gens are also given the name 
kow6, and those of the kotom and sanhol divisions, the name 
tas, which has the meaning level. Those who belong to the 
maao gens are also known by the term Jcarsia. This word 
seems to be more Spanish tlian Maya in form. The Mexicans 
of the vicinity know this particular settlement by the latter 
name, whereas they are in total ignorance of the divisions 
according to animal names. Sapper speaks without comment 
of the G-arcias seemingly as a division of the Lacandones.^ 
The balum gens has the other designation puk, the root of the 
verb meaning to destroy anything made of earth. It is impos- 
sible to tell on wliat this second classification is based. There 
seems to be no special class of objects used as names. The 
same words are found used as surnames among the Maj'as of 
Yucatan. Kow6 is the name of a family living near Valladolid.^ 
This second designation among the Lacandones may be the 
remains of a once elaborate system of social organization with 
divisions made up of families and groups of families joined 
together with bonds of relationship. 

The native speaks of the animal names noted above as in- 
yonen, my relative, so that there seems to be a close bond 

1 This is from the Nahuatl word cojolitli. ~ Sapper, 1897, pp. 262, 263. 

3 Among others there were noted as surnames among the Mayas, t§an, little ; 
boS, black; mes, beard; tu§, a falsehood; eq, palo de tinta ; and oap, the 
rattler of a snake. 



42 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

between all the people bearing the same name and the animal 
itself. 

There is another name corresponding to the Spanish word 
tocayo, or namesake. This is also the name of an animal, but it 
is not handed down from father to son as in the former case, 
but seems to be given as regards priority of birth. The first 
son is usually given the name Qin, sun, and his secondary ani- 
mal name is Baao, monkey.^ The first daughter is called Naqiu, 
(from na, house), and she also shares the same animal name as 
her oldest brother. The second son to be born is usually given 
the name Qaiyum, singing god, and his secondary animal name 
is Sanhol (Spanish caheza hlanca). The second daughter is 
called Naqaiyum, and she is also associated with the sanhol as is 
the second son. The third son is called TSanqin, little sun, and 
the third daughter, in the same way, Natsanqin. There are 
other names found in use, Bol, a verb meaning to distribute 
food, and Nabol, the corresponding name given to the girl. 
I could not make out what son and what daughter bore these 
names, but those who jjossessed it had as their secondary animal 
names, Qimbol, a species of snake. It seems from the meaning 
of the word bol that the domestic head of the family may have 
had this designation. If this is the case, it seems probable that 
the persons having this name did not always occupy the same 
relative position in the order of age in the famil}^ In one case 
I found the name Bol given to the oldest son, but in all other 
cases he bore the name Qin. It may come out on further inves- 
tigation that there may be a difference as regards naming the 
first son in respect to his mother, whether or not she is the 
wife first married or a later one. 

Each of the pairs of names — Qin and Naqin, Qaiyum and 
Naqaiyum, TSanqin and NatSanqin, Bol and Nabol — has as their 
special possession secular songs relating to the animals whose 
names they bear. 



1 It will be noted that the baao is also found as one of the names in the 
primary animal classification. 



SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS ,43 

Thus, to sum up, we find a number of different names used 
by the Lacandones. 

(1) They address each other by the terms of relationship to 
themselves, cousins and brothers being considered the same. 

(2) Each family has an animal name which is transmitted 
from father to son. 

(3) There is some larger division, and certain families are 
united under one name. This has not been successfully worked 
out. 

(4) Each person in the family bears a name as regards the 
order of precedence of birth. 

(5) Each person in the family bears an animal name which 
varies as the name under (4) varies. All first sons have the 
same name and the same animal name. 

It may be well to investigate in detail the form of govern- 
ment of the families among whom most of the rites described 
were witnessed. Two brothers, Qin and Chanqin, of the maao 
gens, had married two sisters of the qeqen family. These 
two families live in peace under the same roof; each, however, 
with its own distinct camp fire and food. The older brother 
rules supreme in the little settlement, and it is he who decides 
all questions which may come up. A half league away lives 
the aged mother of the two brothers together with a grandson, 
the child of her oldest son who is dead. Two of her daughters 
also live in this encampment. They are both married to a man 
of the same gens. The grandson, Qin, the heir of the oldest 
son, would naturally be the head of the encampment. He is still 
young and unable to carry out the demands of the religious 
ceremonies. These are therefore undertaken by the husband 
of his two aunts and not, as might at first be supposed, by one 
of the uncles. 

One may see in this the faint remains of the matriarchal 
system, where, on the death of the oldest son and during the 
childhood of the heir, the regency is held, not by the deceased 
man's brothers, but by the husband of his sister. 

There is little or no need of concerted action or of any 



44 MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8 

central government among the Lacandones, living, as they do, 
separated into self-sustaining communities.^ When a man 
gives a feast, he invites all his neighbors far and near. He is 
the lord of the ceremony, however, and holds absolute control 
within the little settlement where it is observed. The others 
are his guests, and they all pay him honor and obedience as 
their host. 

A pleasing custom always observed among the Lacandones is 
seen in the greeting and taking leave of the giver of one of the 
feasts by the guests. A set form of speech is used and the 
giver of the feast is addressed by the title Yum, father or 
lord. At the entrance to the sacred inclosure each person 
utters the following words, Bininkinwile inyume, I come to 
see you, my lord. The person addressed always bids him enter, 
Orken. In taking leave the form is Bininka tinna, I am going 
to my house. The guest never leaves, however, until the 
giver of the feast has given him permission to depart, Sen, go. 
The members of the family of the host are also addressed 
singly by their titles of relationship to the speaker as Bininkin- 
wile inkik, I am coming to see you, my sister. Among the 
Mayas, tlie form used in taking leave is more in the nature of 
asking permission, Sikeni, may I go? and the answer is Sen, go. 
This custom is not carried so far among the Mayas as among 
the Lacandones. 2 Every one present in a hut is not individ- 
ually addressed when one is leaving, as among the latter people. 

The family with the father at the head is the unit in the 
social organization of the Lacandones. A group of related 
families seems to form the gens. There is no evidence that we 
can safely accept which shows any larger division than the gens 
There is no need for a larger unit. Wars have disappeared, and 
there is no cause for the compact form of society where strength 



1 Margil, 169G, gives an interesting account of the social organization of the 
Lacandones. 

~ Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIII, p. 132 : " Porque en el progresso de sus 
platicas, el menor por curiosidad suele repetir el nombre del ofl&cio 6 dignidad 
del mayor." 



SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 45 

is needed to resist an enemy or where each family has its 
portion of labor to perform in order to sustain the whole, as 
among people of a higher social status. Among the Lacandones, 
family is isolated from family, each with its own fields. The 
different functions of society are carried out by the members of 
the family. The father, assisted by his oldest son, clears the 
forest to make the fields and carries on the rites of their re- 
ligion, while the mother and the daughters spin and weave the 
cotton into clothing, grind the corn, and carry on the ordinary 
work of the household. Their part in the religious life con- 
sists in the preparation of the food and drink to be offered the 
idols in behalf of the gods. The family thus seems to be the 
unit also in the religious life. The gods are, for the most jDart, 
family deities rather than tribal. 

The gathering of the families of the same gens occurs at 
certain of the important rites. The daily and weekly cere- 
monies carried on before the incense-burners are performed by 
the male members of the family. 

The morals of the family are strict. Prostitution or adultery 
seldom occurs. Until marriage the daughters remain under the 
strict control and care of their fathers. The father of the boy 
seeks the bride, and she comes to live in his home.^ There are 
exceptions to this rule, as in the case cited before, where the 
husband had married the two sisters and had come to live at 
their home. The marriage ceremony is not complicated. 
There is an offering of posol and baltSe to the gods, and the man 
and woman eat together as a sign that they are man and wife. 
After marriage, a man and woman never again eat with their 
parents. If one is visiting at the home of his father and 
mother, he eats apart from them. A widow, all of whose sons 
are married, is thus compelled to eat alone. 

Polygyny is not an uncommon thing among the Lacandones. 

No instances have been observed of a man having more than 

three wives. The women all live together, and the duties of 

the household are divided and shared among them. There 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXV, p. 140. 



46 MAYAS AND LAC AN BONES 

seems always to be a favorite wife. Usually she is the first one 
married. It is she who brings to her husband, in the sacred in- 
closure, the food and drink prepared by the wives to be offered 
to the gods. A woman is regarded in the relationship of aunt 
(oena) to the children of her husband by another wife. 

Polyandry has been reported among the Lacandones, but the 
fact has, I think, never been established. 

Among the Mayas of Yucatan, the man has to make a present 
to the parents of the girl, and it is he who pays for the clothes 
necessary for the marriage. 

The fecundity of the Maya race is large but not excessive. ^ 
Marriages generally take place at a very early age. One often 
finds mothers of thirteen and fourteen, which shows the quick 
development of the girl into the woman. At child birth there 
is a special ceremony held before the idols, where prayers are 
offered up in behalf of the mother and her child. A pregnant 
woman wears around her neck a cotton string (kutS). This is 
to preserve the life of the embryo. After the child is born, the 
mother places the string around the neck or the leg (see PI. 
XXVT, Fig. 1) of some one who is ill, usually a male relative. 
If it is taken off, the child dies and the man loses the beneficial 
effect of its presence. It is effective for about a year. Children 
are kept at the breast a much longer time than among white 
people. 2 

Children among the Lacandones are usually called by the 
terms of their relationship to the speaker. This is especially 
true of brothers, sisters, and cousins who address each other as 
brother and sister. The eldest son of a family bears the name 
Qin until the death of his father, when he receives the title 
Yum. The eldest daughter is named Snuk (the large one), 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXII, p. 192 : " Son muy fecmidas y tempranas en 
parir, y grande.s criaderas por dos razones, la una porque la bevida de las mananas 
que beven caliente cria mucha leclie y el continue moler de su maiz y no traer 
los pechos apretados les haze tenerlos muy grandes donde les viene tener mucha 
leche." 

"^ Ibid., Chap. XXX, p. 180: " Mamavan mucho, porque nunca dexavan de 
darles leche pudiendo, aunque fuessen de tres o quatro anos." 



SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 47 

and the younger daughters are usually called TSasnuk (little 
ones). These names are in addition to those used in connec- 
tion with animal names. 

In Yucatan the child is always carried astride the hip. 
Among the inhabitants of Chiapas, the custom is also common 
(PI. Ill, Fig. 2). Here the very small children are often 
suspended in a net on the back of the mother, the net being 
supported by a cord passing over the forehead. 

There seem to be no elaborate puberty rites. When a boy 
arrives at the age of manhood, the father offers a bow and a set 
of arrows to the gods in behalf of the boy, with a prayer be- 
seeching them to make his son a good hunter. After this the 
boy may take an active part in all the rites, and it is at this time 
that he assumes the loin cloth. A girl, on arriving at the age 
of puberty, wears the bunch of bird feathers suspended from 
the back of the head. 

Ages are reckoned as regards the number of dry and wet 
seasons that have passed. Yaiqin, the first sun, is used to desig- 
nate the dry epoch, and hahal, from ha, water, the rainy season. 
I was unable to find any trace of the ancient system of reckon- 
ing time. 

The mortuary customs furnish a means of ascertaining the 
ideas concerning death and a future life. The belief among 
the Lacandones is, that when a person dies, his "pulse," as it is 
expressed (upisanuqab), goes below, to live in the underworld 
with Kisin (p. 95), and the heart goes above, to remain 
with Nohotgakyum, the main god. Among the Lacandones, 
the body, lying on its back, is placed in a grave about two 
feet in depth. On the abdomen a bundle of ground corn 
is deposited for making posol and tortillas. Parallel sticks 
are laid crosswise the body, followed by a layer of palm leaves. 
On these the earth is piled until the grave is filled and a mound 
about a foot high is made. Ashes are sprinkled over the mound, 
and at each of the four corners there is placed a small figure 
made of palm leaves and representing a dog. These are sup- 
posed to accompany the soul as guardians to its final resting 



48 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

place. ^ Around the grave is a line of small sticks about four 
inches apart. On the top of each stick is a bit of cloth clipped 
in beeswax. Each male member of the family of the deceased 
plants and lights three or more of these rude candles, and each 
woman and child two.^ A shelter of palm leaves is finally 
built over the grave. From the roof there is suspended a gourd 
filled with posol, another with water, and a third containing 
tortillas.^ This food, together with that placed directly on the 

^ Seler (1900-1901, pp. 82-83) gives an interesting parallel of the Nahna idea 
of the dog and his connection with death. He paraphrases Sahagun as follows : 
"The native Mexican dogs . . . barked, wagged their tails, in a word, behaved in 
all respects like our own dogs, were kept by the Mexicans not only as house com- 
panions, but above all for the shambles, and also in Yucatan and on the coast 
land for sacrifice. The importance that the dog had acquired in the funeral rites 
may perhaps have originated in the fact that, as the departed of both sexes were 
accompanied by their effects, the prince by the women and slaves in his service, 
so the dog was consigned to the grave as his master's associate, friend, and guard, 
and that the persistence of this custom in course of time created the belief that 
the dog stood in some special relation to the kingdom of the dead. It may also 
be that, simply because it was the practice to burn the dead, the dog was looked 
on as the Fire God's animal and the emblem of fire, the natives got accustomed 
to speak of him as the messenger to prepare the way in the kingdom of the dead, 
and thus eventually to regard him as such. At the time when the Spaniards 
made their acquaintance, it was the constant practice of the Mexicans to commit 
to the grave with the dead a dog, who had to be of a red-yellow color, and had 
a string of unspun cotton round his neck, and was first killed by the thrust of a 
dart in his throat. The Mexicans believed that four years after death, when the 
soul had already passed through many dangers on its way to the underworld, it 
came at last to the bank of a great river, the Chicunauhapan, which encircled the 
underworld proper. The souls could get across this river only when they were 
awaited by their little dog, who, on recognizing his master on the opposite side, 
rushed into the water to bring him over." ( Sahagun, 3 Appendix, Chap. I.) 

2 The idea of candles in connection with the burial rites may be of Spanish 
origin, although there is no suggestion of the cross in connection with the burial 
ceremony. 

3Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. XII, Chap. VII, p. 699: "Que en muriendo la 
persona, para sepultar el cuerpo, le doblan las piernas, y ponen la cara sobre las 
rodillas . . . abren en tierra, un hoyo redondo. . . . Al rededor le ponen mucha 
vianda, una xicara, un calaba50 con atole, falvados de maiz, y unas tortillas 
grandes de lo mismo, que han Ueuado juntamente con el cuerpo, y assi lo cubren 
despues con tieiTa," 

Also cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXIII, p. 196: " Muertos los amortajavan 
hinchandoles la boca del maiz molido que es su comida y bevida que llaman 
koyem." 

For a later account, cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 265: " Bei den Lacandonen im 



SOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS 49 

body, is to furnish sustenance on the journey which the soul 
(pisan) takes to the home of the main god of the Lacandones. 
After its arrival at the final resting place, its welfare is assured. 
The water contained in the gourd, hung in tlie shelter, is to 
wash the hands before the food is touched, and the four dogs, 
as has been noted, are supposed to accompany the body on its 
journey as protectors. The parallel sticks placed over the body 
are to guard it from being devoured by the animals of the forest. 
Otherwise the animals might consume the body and then they 
might be killed and eaten, in turn, by the people. This would 
be considered as one of the greatest crimes known to the 
Lacandones. The ashes placed on top of the grave symbolize 
the warmth given to the soul to protect it from the cold. 

Incineration is no longer practiced in any form.^ 

Among the Mayas of Yucatan, a burial is usually carried out 
according to tlie customs of the Catholic Church. Food and 
drink, however, are placed on the grave. 

Trade is carried on to a limited extent by the Lacandones 
among themselves. Cocoa berries, masses of copal, wax, rubber, 
and bunches of feathers are often used as the mediums of ex- 
change as in former times. ^ 

Sociology of the Mayas. — There is little that can be said 
concerning the sociology of the Mayas. They live under the 
laws of the Mexican Republic. In the pueblos they elect their 
own presidente for the town. All the former forms of tribal 
division are completely lost. Polygyny is not allowed to exist, 
and it is not openly carried on. The morals of the family are 
loose. Prostitution is common. Landa speaks with surprising 
candor of the morals of the natives before and after the entrance 

ostlichen Chiapas sollen die Leichname ira Walde auf eiiien Holzrost in einer niir 
handtiefen Grube gelegt und mit Laub und Erde destreut werden, so dass sie 
also den Thieren zum Frasse dienen konnten." 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, p. 198. 

2 Cf. " Relacl6n de Mutul," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 87 : " Los tratos y contrataciones y 
grangerias que ay entre los naturales y espanoles son mantas de algodon, cera, y 
miel, y sal, y otras cosasde mantenimiento, que benden unos a otros y en cacao 
que se trae de laprobincia de tabasco y de onduras." 



50 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

of the Spaniards into the country. ^ When one takes into con- 
sideration the fact that the account was written by a priest of 
the people whom he criticises so harshly concerning the evils 
which they have brought into the country, the statement has 
great weight. 

1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXII, p. 186 : " Preciavanse de buenas y tenian razon, 
porque antes que conociessen nuestra uaciou, seguu los viejos aora llorau, lo eraa 
a maravilla." 



INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 

Agriculture. — Agriculture is necessarily very crude among 
both the Mayas and the Lacandones, owing to the nature of the 
ground and the lack of modern tools and methods. It is prac- 
tically identical in both localities. Corn, the staple product and 
the fundamental article of food, is cultivated after the manner 
of the country. There are several kinds of corn found among 
the Mayas and the Lacandones, and they are distinguished 
chiefly by their colors. ^ Some of the varieties are found in 
every settlement and encampment. In December or January 
a site well exposed to the sun is selected, and the trees are 
felled and the undergrowth cut away. During the succeeding 
months of the season of drought, the fallen trees become well 
dried. Just before the rainy season sets in, during the middle 
of April or the first of May, the mass of underbrush and trees 
are burned, thus clearing and enriching the ground at the same 
time. At the coming of the rains, the corn is placed in the 
ground, which has had no preparation other than the clearing 
and burning of the trees. 

The preparation of the corn for food may well be regarded 
as a separate industry. The greater part of the time of the 
women is thus taken up. Most of the corn is eaten in the form 
of tortillas. The corn is first soaked overnight in an alkali to 
remove the hulls. In Yucatan, limestone is burned to furnish 
this alkali. In Chiapas, it is often difficult to find limestone 
which is pure enough for this purpose. The shells of the fresh- 
water snails are burned as a substitute. A strong lye is also 
obtained from the ashes of the bark of the mahogany tree. 

1 Among the varieties of corn are sakSim or gnuknal, a large white corn ; 
tSaktsots or tiakinuknal, a large red variety ; tsaktsikinoonot, a small red 
corn ; qansim, a yellow kind ; and tiikinoonot, a blue variety. 

51 



52 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

The corn is ground moist on the stone metate (Nahuatl met- 
atl) (PL IX, Fig. 1). As seen among the Maj^as, the stone is 
slightly concave, is inclined, and supported on three legs. The 
crusher is long and round, and extends beyond the edges of 
the metate. The corn is often ground over six or seven times, 
until it is in the form of a fine paste or batter. This is then 
made into tortillas (PI. IX, Fig. 2). In Yucatan the ordinary 
form of tortilla is about four inches in diameter, whereas among 
the Lacandones the size often approaches nine or ten inches. 

There is a form of tortilla (op) called in Spanish tostados or 
totopostle (Nahuatl totopochtli). These ai-e browned and re- 
semble more nearly the cracker. The totopostle are made in 
large numbers at one time, and are used as desired by simply 
warming them in the ashes. 

Another form in which the maize is largely used is called 
posol (maao), a drink. The corn is first boiled without lye and 
then ground moist as before. Masses of this are then wrapped 
in banana leaves, and it is used as desired. These bundles of 
ground corn furnish the principal food when journeys are 
undertaken. A handful of the corn is mixed thoroughly with 
water. This forms a most refreshing as well as a nourishing 
drink. The corn in this form is considered better if it has 
soured. 

Tsokosaka is a drink made of the ground corn used in making 
tortillas mixed with warm water and taken hot. Saqnum is 
made of the corn treated with lye mixed with water and the 
whole boiled together. Qa is a drink made from corn ground 
dried after being roasted. 

The third way in which the corn is used is in the form of 
tamales. The maize serves as a covering for an interior of chile, 
meat, or frejoles. The whole is then wrapped in a large leaf 
and boiled or steamed. Among the Lacandones a great quan- 
tity of these tamales are made of corn and frejoles. They are 
called buliiva, and are one of the principal offerings made to 
their gods in the religious rites (p. 102). 

Throughout Yucatan, as well as Chiapas, the Mexicans and 



INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 63 

other inhabitants have very generally adopted the food native 
to the country. 

In the fields between the hills of corn are planted camotes (is),^ 
a species of sweet potato. When fully grown, their presence in 
the ground is indicated by a slight cracking m the surface of 
the soil. A pointed stick is all that is used in digging them 
out. Yucca (oin), a farinaceous plant, is also grown in the same 
field with the corn as well as a small tomato (beyant&an). 
Frejoles (buul), a species of black kidney bean, form with 
the tortilla the daily food of the Maya. The beans are boiled 
and eaten with chile. Sugar cane and bananas are grown 
extensively. 

Among the Lacandones tobacco (quo) finds a place in their 
fields. Native cotton (taman) is extensively grown. This is 
spun, woven, and made into clothing. In Yucatan the prin- 
cipal product outside of the corn (iiim) is Jienequeri (soskil). 
The cultivation of this plant would be impossible but for the 
presence of the natives. The entire working force on the haci- 
endas is composed of Mayas. 

Hunting. — Next to the cultivation of corn, the hunt fur- 
nishes the most important means of obtaining food. The La- 
candones use the bow and arrow (PL X, Fig. l)^ in killing 
their game, which ranges in size from the smallest birds up to 
the mountain lion. The Indians have great accuracy of aim 
and put great force into sending the shaft. The description of 
the bow and the several kinds of arrow will be taken up later 
(p. 57). The necessity of offering meat to the idols of the 
gods in their ceremonies causes the Lacandone to devote much 
time to the hunt. They often leave the hut before daybreak 

1 For the botanical names, see under Flora, p. 21. 

2 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXIX, p. 170 : "Que tenian armas offensivas y defen- 
sivas. Ofensivas eran arcos y flechas que llevavan en su cargaje con pedernales 
per caxcillos y dientes de pescados muy agudas, las quales tiran con gran des- 
treza y fuerza." 

Also cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 261 : " Zur Jagd verwenden die Lacandonen noch 
immer Bogen und Pfeile, letztere mit Feuersteinspitzen, welche sie mittelst eines 
Hornmeissels spalteu." 



64 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

and return late at night, and very seldom with empty hands. 
All the Mayas of the peninsula, together with the Lacandones 
who live nearest the settlements of the Mexicans, use in place 
of the bow and arrow the old muzzle-loading musket and the 
powder horn. The natives of both localities are skillful in 
imitating the cries and calls of animals and birds. The cry of 
the young venado is ver}^ faithfully reproduced by a horn whis- 
tle, which the natives manufacture. Often a large number of 
Indians will join together for a general hunt, and the results 
are divided on the return. 

Venado, a small deer, and wild turkeys are the principal game 
in Yucatan. Partridge and quail are also plenty. In the re- 
gion of the Usumacinta River, practically all the animals known 
to the colder parts of the torrid zone abound. Monkeys of 
several varieties furnish a constant source of food.^ 

Fishing. — The natives of the coast of Yucatan engage exten- 
sively in fishing. Owing to the lack of rivers and lakes, how- 
ever, the greater part of the Mayas of the peninsula have no 
knowledge of the industry. Among the Lacandones it is quite 
different, as rivers and lakes abound and they are well stocked 
with fish. Among the most important are the saktan or nahwa 
(Spanish sardina), sohom, tSaklau, whicli is a red fish, makabil, 
tsakbil, and tiakal. Turtles and turtle eggs form a large supply 
of food. As many as four hundred or five hundred eggs are 
sometimes found in one hunt. Fresh-water crabs and snails 
(tot) are numerous. The natives of Chiapas have a primitive 
way of catching fisli. They shoot them from the end of a canoe 
with a wooden-pointed arrow (PL X, Fig. 2). They are very 
expert in this. They also have come to know the use of the 
hook and line, and they are skillful in making nets. A spear 
about eight feet long is sometimes used in catching fish and 
turtles. This has a detachable point hung by a cord. 

Navigation. — Along the coast of Yucatan, especially on the 
eastern side, on the Usumacinta River and its tributaries, and 
on the lakes of Chiapas and Guatemala, navigation is engaged 
1 See p. 22 for a more complete list of animals hunted for game. 



INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 55 

in extensively by the natives. As has been noted (p. 9), 
Columbus on his last voyage encountered a canoe some way out 
at sea which probably came from Yucatan. The early Mayas 
and the Lacandones of the present time use the cai/uco, or 
dugout (tSem). It is made of a mahogany log, and is often 
thirty or more feet in length, three feet in breadth, and capable 
of carrying fifteen or twenty men. 

Weaving. — The Mexican influence seen throughout the pen- 
insula, with the exception of the narrow strip along the eastern 
coast, has robbed the Mayas of many of their former arts and 
industries by furnishing them with substitutes, — the gun for 
the bow and arrow and cotton cloth for the hand-woven clothing. 
The Lacandones, however, still keep up the practice of their for- 
mer arts of spinning and weaving, basket and pottery making, 
and the fashioning of the bow and arrow. There is some fear 
that the arts of spinning and weaving, long since vanished from 
Yucatan, will also disappear from among the Lacandones in 
another generation. They now buy the cotton cloth of Mexi- 
can manufacture for their commonest clothes. Every Indian 
along the Usumacinta still has his cotton patch, however. The 
wives gather the product and spin it upon a spindle composed 
of a slender pointed stick about ten inches long, which passes 
through a small ball or disk either of wood or bone. The spindle 
is twisted between the fingers as the lower end rests in a small 
gourd, which is either held between the knees or placed on the 
ground in front of the person. The mass of unspun cotton 
rests on the shoulder, and, as it is spun, it is wound on the 
spindle (PI. XI, Fig. 1). The coarse yarn thus made is used 
directly in the loom. The colored thread used in making a 
woman's skirt is usually obtained from the Mexicans in trade. 

The loom is of the same form as is seen among the Mexican 
Indians (PI. XII, Fig. 1), the Pueblo peoples, and the Navajos. 
The position of the loom is horizontal rather than vertical, 
as among the Navajos. The Lacandone loom has two 
bamboo reeds fastened to the finished cloth to hold it out to 
the desired width, as the piece of cloth woven is often eight 



66 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 



or ten feet long. As it is finished it is wound up on tlie top 
cross stick. A shuttle is used in weaving the plain garments. 
The end of tlie loom where the work is being done is fastened 
by a band around the waist of the weaver ^ and the other end 
is tied to a post or tree. The worker then sits as far back 
as possible from the post to give the required tension (PL XI, 
Fig. 2). 2 Tlie cloth is always woven in one straight piece, 
and is sewed together afterward in forming either the poncho- 
like upper garment of the men and women alike or the scant 
skirt of the women. The looms are all about the same width, 
which is not over two and a half feet. 

Another form of weaving is seen in the manufacture of 

hammocks. According to 
Don Juan Molina Solis,^ 
the hammock is not, as is 
commonly supposed, native 
to the Mayas of Yucatan, 
but its use was introduced 
by the Spaniards, who first 
brought it from the island 
of Santo Domingo. The 
hammock is now used uni- 
versally throughout Yucatan 
by the Mexicans as well as 
by the Mayas. A swinging 
seat much like a hammock is suspended in a tree and used by 
hunters at night. This, according to Mr. E. H. Thompson, is 
native to the country, and may be the ancestor of the hammock.* 
The hammocks are all of native workmanship, and are 




Fig. 1. 
Tro-Cort. 79, c. 



1 Compare the loom used among the Pokomchi Indians pictured by Sapper, 
1904, rt, Plate IV, Fig. 2. 

2 Fig. 1 shows an interesting parallel taken from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus. 
8 Molina, 1896, p. 247. 

* An Italian Ms. in the British Museum by Galeotto Cey (Viaggio e Relazione 
delle Indie, 1539-1552) has upon the margin of one of the pages an interesting 
ink sketch of a hammock, called amaccor, probably the first picture of a ham- 
mock from the Indies. 



INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 51 

usually made of henequen. This is first twisted into cord by 
rolling it on the bare knee with the palm of the hand. The 
strands are then woven on frames set up in the domestic hut. 
The Lacandones also use the hammock for sleeping. They 
make them only for their own use, and it is almost impossible 
to find one which may be bought. The cord is a species of 
agave liber, and is twisted in the same manner as in Yucatan. 
Tlie hammock, however, is quite different. It is not woven in 
the strict sense of the word, but is composed of parallel cords 
knotted together at intervals of about six inches (PI. XII, 
Fig. 2). The finished hammock is only about three feet wide 
and seven feet long, whereas that of Yucatan is often sixteen 
feet long and can be stretched out to a great width. Tlie 
Lacandone hammock, owing to the nature of its construction, 
cannot be stretched. The natives of Chiapas also make a ham- 
mock with the ordinary checker-board weave. 

Still another form of weaving among the Lacandones is seen 
in the manufacture of the carrying nets or bags which are 
carried supported on the back by a strap or cord going over 
the forehead. These are used principally to bring corn and 
other products from the niilpa. These bags are made of ac/ave 
fiber, and are netted rather than woven. 

Baskets are made both by the Mayas and the Lacandones. 
They are crude affairs, however, and have little or no artistic 
value. Coiled basketry is unknown. The form usually taken 
by the INIaya baskets is that of a wide-mouthed bowl with 
straight sides. Bird cages of basketry are often made in both 
localities. These are round and come to a point at the top. 
When the huts of the natives have doors, as is the case in most 
parts of Yucatan, they are usually made of vines or hejucos 
woven on upright sticks. 

Manufacture of Bows and Arrows. — The Lacandones seem to 
devote all their artistic strength to the manufacture of their 
bows(tsulul orpooptse) and arrows (hul orherierl) (Fig. 2, p. 58). 
These bows and arrows in their shape and finish certainly 
show a love of the beautiful in their fashioners. The bow 



I 



58 



MAYAS AND LACAND0NE8 



4 



is made of the wood of the guayacan or lignum vitse 
(Guaicum sanctum), which is especially adapted by- 
reason of its strength and elasticity. The only tool 
used in the manufacture of the bows and arrows is 
the machete, now to be found every- 
where throughout most of the ter- 
ritory occupied by the Lacandones. 
The natives who live between Lake 
j I Petha and Ocosingo in Chiapas 

seem to be the principal fashioners 
of the bows. They get out the 
wood, shajje it rudely, and then 
barter it with the Lacandones of 
other regions. The wood of which 
the bow is made is full of pitch. This 
is extracted by heating in the fire. 
Heat is also used in straightening 
and shaping the arrows. The bow 
is usually a little shorter than the 
person for whom it is intended. The 
general length is about five feet six 
inches. They are nearly straight, 
curving slightly in the direction op- 
posite to that when drawn. The cross 
section of the middle of the bow 
approaches an ellipse, the larger di- 
ameter about an inch. This decreases 
toward the ends, which are round in 
cross section and about a half inch in 
diameter. The bow string is made 




Fig. 2. 

Lacandone bow and arrows (after Maler) : a, 

bow ; h, bird bolt ; c, wooden pointed arrow for 

fish and small game ; d, stone-pointed backed 

arrow ; e, stone-pointed arrow. Scale: J. 



1 



INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 59 

of twisted agave fiber. The upper tip of the bow is called uni, 
its nose ; the middle of the back upatS, its back ; the middle of 
the front utan, its middle ; and the end resting on the ground 
utsun, its stem.i 

The arrows in their finish are works of art. They are of 
three kinds, according to their intended use. The arrows 
used with the largest bows are about four feet six inches long, 
with the exception of the bird bolt, which is slightly over four 
feet. All the arrows have two clipped feathers (u§ik, its wing) 
at the end, at riglit angles to the notch for the bow string. 
This notch is made in a separate piece of wood, which is in- 
serted into the hollow end of the reed forming the shaft of the 
arrow. The feathers are from the buzzard (balunkuk or kon- 
toq), two species of parrots (mo and oiman), and two species 
of hawk (ekpip and suktsitS). Both feathers on the same 
arrow are usually from the same bird. Large quantities of 
feathers are usually kept on hand. Each is strung upon a 
cord, and the whole carefully wrapped in bark fiber until they 
are used. 

A set of arrows is usually composed of twelve: a bird bolt 
(pakat) (6, Fig. 2), four unpointed (c. Fig. 2), two stone- 
pointed and the foreshafts barbed (c?, Fig. 2), and five stone- 
pointed and the foreshafts either square or round (e. Fig. 2). 
The bird bolt is made of a hollow reed (Spanish carrizo or cana 
hrava). It is very light in weight. The point is made of 
wood and is very blunt. This arrow is designed for use in 
capturing birds alive, as it stuns rather than kills them. All 
the arrows other than the bird bolt are made with a shaft (her- 
lerl) and foreshaft (tsuste). The shaft is always made of the 
same hollow light reed as the bird bolt, and is about two feet 
ten inches long for use with the bow of five feet six inches. 
The foreshaft is about one foot eight inches long, and is either 
round in cross section or square. This is made of several 

1 For a detailed discussion of the Lacandone bow and arrow and a compari- 
son with those of other Central American peoples, see Sapper, 1903, p. 56, Figs. 
15-17, d. 



60 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 



kinds of wood. The 2)alo de tinta or logwood (eq) is often 
found. The chicosapote (sSkya) is also a common wood for the 
foreshaft.i 

The foreshaft is tipped with a stone point (toq) generally of 
flint 2 but sometimes of obsidian, bone, or glass. The base 
of the point is sunk in a notch (upak) in the end of the fore- 
shaft, which is afterward wound with sinew heavily coated 
with wax. By holding the end over the fire for a moment, 
the wax melts and the whole is rubbed smooth, making a firm 
joint. The point of insertion (uqas, its band) of the foreshaft 




Package of flint flakes from which arrow points are made. (After Maler.) 

into the hollow reed which is the shaft is wound firmly with 
the waxed sinew (tSukikib). 

The chipping of the flint is easily and quickly done by 
means of a knuckle bone or piece of steel. The chipping of 
the flake from the large core is done after heating the latter 
in the fire. The flake which is to be pointed is held in the left 
hand between the thumb and forefinger, the former being pro- 
tected by a piece of bark fiber. The bone or steel is held in 
the right hand. The point is easily made into the desired 
shape by pressure alone. ^ 

1 The names in Maya for some of the varieties of wood employed in the fore- 
shafts, some of which I have been unable to identify, are as follows : qiis, 
moste, tsakya, uqaqtse, kektSe, and kuktSe. 

2 Fig. 3 (after Maler, 1901-1903, p. 37) shows a package of flint flakes from 
which arrow points are made. 

^ Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 261 : " Ich selbst habe nicht Gelegenheit gehabt, das 
Verfertigen von Pfeilspitzen mit anzusehen ; dagegen sah ich am See Pet Ha in 
Chiapas zu, wie ein Lacandone abgebrochene Pfeilspitzen wieder scharfte ; er 



INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY 61 

In every set of twelve arrows, there are usually two whose 
foreshaft is cut into barbs either on one or both sides. This 
arrow (tututs) is used for shooting monkeys in order that it 
cannot be pulled out. For shooting fish and small birds an 
arrow is used of the same form as the stone-tipped arrow with 
the stone point lacking. The wooden foreshaft is simply 
sharpened. 

The arrow release is the " primary release," with the arrow 
between the thumb and the second joint of the forefinger. 
Owing to the great length of the arrow, the bow, when pulled, 
has necessarily to make a large arc in order that the arrow may 
be aimed correctly. The male children have arrows suitable 
to their size, which they always carry with them. They early 
become expert in shooting. 

The bows and arrows are often used as ceremonial objects. 
They are made and presented to the idols in behalf of the gods 
as a prayer for success in the hunt. Two round spots of red 
paint are placed on the shaft of the arrows when they are thus 
offered. When a son arrives at the age of puberty, the father 
offers a set of arrows and a bow to the gods (Chant No. 1^). 

The bark stripped from a young ceiba (yaStSe) is used to wrap 
around the bow and arrows as a sort of quiver. During the 
last few years, the Mexicans living in the monterias adjacent 

riss mit der unteren Kante eines stavken Messers Splitterchen um Splitterchen 
von der Pfeilspitze weg, die er fest in der Hand hielt, und nach kaum einer 
Minute war aus den abgebrochenen Trumm eine kleine scharfe Pfeilspitze 
geworden." 

Professor Saville of Columbia University has kindly placed at my disposal 
the following unpublished communication of Dr. Hermann Berendt to the 
American Ethnological Society, November 12, 1873, regarding a method of 
arrow chipping: "The mode of making arrow heads from flint stone, still in 
use, among the Lacandones is very similar to that already described by Colonel 
Jones. The nucleus being placed on the calf of the leg, a sharpened deer horn 
is used as a chisel and a piece of hard wood as a hammer to separate the flakes. 
It is probable that the same proceeding was known in Yucatan, for while living 
in Campeche a sepulcher was opened, and in an earthen bowl, besides some 
obsidian and flint implements, a deer horn was found with identically sharpened 
points." 

1 This and succeeding chants will be found at the end of the volume. 



62 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

to the settlements of the Lacandones have found that there is a 
market for the bows and arrows in the Mexican towns. As a 
consequence, some of the less retiring of the natives have been 
persuaded to make sets of bows and arrows for sale. It is very 
seldom, however, that the}' will consent to part with those they 
actually use in hunting, as in many cases these also have some 
ceremonial use. 

No trace of the bow and arrow has been found in Yucatan, 
although we have many references to their use by early writers 
for offensive weapons.^ 

Pottery Making. — Pottery making still exists in Yucatan 
in the manufacture of the earthen water jars. A centre of this 
industry is in Ticul, south of Merida, Yucatan. The jars are 
used by the women throughout the peninsula in carrying water 
from the cenote or well to their huts. The usual form of 
vessel has two handles opposite each other. They are made 
by hand with the help of a smooth wooden paddle. The mass 
of wet clay rests on a square block of wood which is turned by 
the feet of the modeler as he sits on a stool before the pot 
(PI. XIII, Fig. 3). This may be an interesting and early form 
of the potter's wheel. ^ After the jar is shaped by hand, it is 
baked in a wood fire to complete it. An interesting survival 
of form but with the change of material is seen in the jars 
which are now made of tin. They are of the same shape as 
the earthen ones. These are used in great numbers by the 
natives living around Palenque in the state of Chiapas. The 
shape of the pots makes them admirably fitted to be carried on 
the hip, as is the universal custom. 

Among the Lacandones the jar-shaped water pots are not 
found, as all the water is carried in large hollow gourds. 
Earthen vessels of all sizes, however, are made by the natives 

1 Cf. " Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida," 1000, Vol. XI, p. 41 : " Las arraas 
con que los yndios peleaban en la guerra eran arcos de palo y flechas de caiias 
delgadas con puntas de pedernal," and in "Relacion de Tahzib," 1900, Vol. XI, 
p. 187, " — peleaban con arco y flechas puesto un pedernal en la punta." 

2 Cf. Mercer, 1897. 



INBVSTBIAL ACTIVITY 



63 



of Chiapas. Bowls for food are modeled by hand, the clay 
resting on a banana leaf which readily turns on the board on 
which it rests. The clay incense-burners of the Lacandones 
will be described in detail later, when taking up the religion of 
the Lacandones (p. 84). The ceremonial drum is also another 
example of the potter's art among these natives. It is often of 
a graceful shape and with the same crude, mask-like face seen 
on the incense-burners (PI. XX, Fig. 2). Jars of a slightly 
different shape from that of the drum are made for holding the 
ceremonial drink (baltse). These pots have a much shorter 
neck than those of the drums, and rest on three very short legs 
(p. 114). Some of these also have the crude head on one side. 
It is smaller, however, and much more insignificant than the 
head on the drum. 

Apiculture is practiced among both the IVIayas and the 
Lacandones. Among the latter people it has a ceremonial sig- 
nificance. Hollow logs are placed inside the sacred house of 
the gods, and the deposition of the honey by the bees has a 
religious meaning. ^ 

Fire Making. — Under the head of industries would come the 
making of fire. The flint and steel is known throughout Yuca- 
tan and a part of the territory of the Lacandones. In certain 
of the ceremonies among the latter people, it is necessary to 
make new fire. The simple "two-piece" apparatus is used (PI. 
XXV, Fig. 2). An upright stick is twisted between the palms 
of the' hands and one end of the stick rests in a groove of a 
horizontal one which lies on the ground. The friction thus 
made ignites some tinder made of logwood shavings, which m 
turn is used to light the wood already prepared for the fire. 

House Building. — The dwellings of both the Mayas and the 
Lacandones are practically identical in construction. The only 
difference is that the house of the native of Chiapas is really 
little more than a shelter and often has no sides and doors as do 
the houses in Yucatan. The usual form of house found through- 
1 The bee industry, probably from a ceremonial standpoint, is pictured at 
great length in the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, 103-112. 



64 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

out the peninsula is oblong with rounded ends. There are two 
doors opposite each other in the sides which face the street or 
path on which the house is located. In the native huts in the 
towns of Yucatan, at either side of the door facing the street, 
there is a protruding wall connecting the house with the stone 
wall which invariably starts at either side of the entrance to the 
hut. The better type of Maya dwellings always has a smaller 
and less carefully built structure in the yard behind, where all 
the cooking is done. 

The framework of the roof rests on four forked posts, which 
stand at each corner of the house. The roof is thus independ- 
ent of the sides and walls, which are made either of slender 
sticks set close together and covered with mud or palm leaves, 
or of rock and plaster, the form usually seen in the villages. 
In the early Relaciones references are made to the palm- 
leaf huts as being more healthful than those built of stone. ^ 
The steep roof, which comes down very low, is made of palm 
leaves tied to a framing by flexible vines. ^ The parts of the 
frame itself are also tied with the vines or bejucos. The doors 
are usually made of wickerwork.^ 

The huts of the Lacandones seldom have rounded ends and 
often no sides. The roof, especially that of the ceremonial 
shelter, comes down very low and serves in place of walls. 
The gable ends, however, are open. In the material used and 
the method of construction, the huts are identical with those 
of the Mayas (PL VIII, Figs. 1, 2, 3). 

1 "Relacion ce Quizil y Sitipeche," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 219: " Comunmente 
l3s yndios hazen sus casas de raadera y baragon cubiertas de paja y de hojas de 
palmas que en algunas partes ay en abundancia aunque pudieran hazerlas de 
piedra por aber raucha en la tierra, — dizen que lo hazen por mas sano bebir en 
las casas de paja que de piedra por causa de las calores que hazen desde el raes 
de abrill hasta setienbre." 

2 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XX, p. 110: "Que la manera de hazer las casas 
era cubrirlas de paja que tienen muy buena y mucha, o con hojas de palma que 
es propria para esto." 

* For a detailed drawing showing the construction of the Kekchi home, 
which resembles in general plan that of the Maya, see Sapper, 1904, a, Plate V. 



ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 

Decoration. — In the decorative art, the Mayas are very low 
in the scale of human culture. 

The kind of civilization which the Maya has received 
from the Spaniards has rendered him an impossible subject 
for a study of primitive art. The Lacandones, on the other 
hand, one would imagine might furnish a fertile field for this 
study. They are, however, nearly as destitute of any evi- 
dences of artistic activit}^ as are the natives of the peninsula. 

An attempt at decoration among the Lacandones is found on 
the gourd vessels in which they offer posol and baltSe to the 
idols in behalf of the gods. The designs (Figs. 4-15, pp. 66-68)^ 
are remarkably crude in their conception. They are made by 
incised lines on the rounded surface of the gourd. It was 
impossible to obtain a satisfactory explanation for any of the 
figures except those which were said to be men. These are 
curiously drawn, showing the ribs and backbone. The greater 
part of the designs are star-shaped figures surrounding the 
slight projection where the stem of the gourd has been broken 
off. Many of the vessels have parallel wavy lines running 
around them. The name uhotal, the generic name for decora- 
tion or adornment, was the only answer to questioning in 
regard to the significance of the designs. However full of 
symbolism these designs may once have been, it is lost among 
the Lacandones of the present time. The figures certainly 
have no hieroglyphic significance. Mr. Sapper mentions the 
designs he saw on the drinking vessels, but he does not seem to 
attach any importance whatever to the meaning of the figures. ^ 

1 For an interesting design on a gourd vessel, see also PI. XXI, Fig. 1. 

2 Sapper, 1897, p. 262. 

65 




a, h, designs on opposite sides of jicara for baltse ; c, design on bottom of same 
jicara; d, decoration at stem end {ufauis) ; e, a man {iui7iik) ; /, decoration at 
end {iiyit or utoh). 

a b 




Fig. 5. 

a, side oi jicara for balihe; b, bottom of same Jicara 






Fig. 6. 

a, side oi jicara for balt'se ; b, bottom of same jicara ; c, stem end. 




Fig. 8. 



Figs. 7-9, designs on jicaras for baltse. 



DID 






% 





// - v>- 



Fig. 10, 



T M I I 

i^ ^ «jy 




n 



V o o -^ 




Fig. 11. 






r ^"^^ 




Fig. 12. 

Figs. 10 and 11, a and 6, designs on opposite sides of jicaras for baltse. 

Figs. 10-12 represent men. 

67 




Fig. 14. 



Fig. 13. 
Designs on jicarus. (After Maler, 1901-1903, Figs. 6 and 7.) 



Fig. 15. 
Design unjicara. (After an unpublished drawing by Maler.) 




Fig. IC. 
Figure on cliff, Petlia. (After Maler.) 



ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 



69 




Figure 16 ^ shows a design made on the face of a high cliff 
which rises directly from the water in Lake Petha in Chiapas. 
Behind this cliff, as will be described later (p. 148), a rite 
performed in behalf of one of the gods was witnessed. I was 
unable to obtain a satisfactory explanation of this figure other 
than that it was done by the god who inhabited the cliff. 
Besides this design, there are several hand prints in red, some 
parallel lines, and a crude human figure (Fig. 17). Undoubt- 
edly the latter designs were made 
by the Lacandones now inhabiting 
the country. It is probable, on 
the other hand, that the figure of 
the two-headed serpent (Fig. 16), 
from the nature of the design and 
the method of carrying it out, was 
made by a people who possessed a 
higher artistic level than that 
which the Lacandones of the pres- 
ent time seem to have attained. 

The incense-burners of the La- 
candones show decoration of two 
kinds, a crude attempt at sculp- 
ture and at painting (PI. XV, 
Fig. 2). The result cannot be 
said to be in any way artistic or 
carefully carried out. The head 

has a roughness which even its ugliness cannot hide, and the 
decoration is correspondingly crude. The red paint is made 
of the ac'hiote berry (Bixa or ell ana), which is ground and mixed 
with water. The black is the soot formed in burning copal 
gum under an overturned olla. This making of soot has a 
ceremonial significance wdiich wall be described later (p. 71), 




Fig. 17. 

Figures on cliff, Petha. 
(After Maler.) 



1 1 have taken this drawing from Maler (1901-1903, p. 30, Fig. 9), as my 
sketch of ■ the same figure is inferior, since it was impossible to trace it as Mr. 
Maler has done, or even to get anywhere near it on account of the lowness of 
the water below the cliff on which the drawing occurs. 



70 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

as also the meaning of the shape and decoration of the incense- 
burner (p. 84). 

Besides these ollas for burning incense, there are other 
objects which show decoration. The gourd rattle (Fig. 19, 
p. 75), used as an accompaniment to the singing in certain 
of the rites, is decorated with red and black lines which, as 
far as could be ascertained, have as little significance as the 
lines on the gourd vessels. The round part of the rattle is 
divided into quarters by double red lines (uoibal, anything 
written) running from the knob of copal on top to the place 
where the handle of reeds is inserted. Between the double 
line there is a row of holes (uibil uwits). At the lower end 
of the handle are thirteen streamers made of fiber bark colored 
red and decorated with cross lines. 

The chief priest in certain of the ceremonies wears a robe (PI. 
XIII, Figs. 1 and 2) decorated with a design in red and black 
(PI. XV, Fig. 1).^ The red in this case is made from the achiote 
berry and logwood. The black is the soot of the copal mixed 
with the extract made of the logwood, which, as in the former 
case, serves as a mordant. The garment is woven by hand and 
is white, with the exception of two fine red and blue lines 
which are woven on each edge of the cloth. The form of the 
robe is the same as the ordinary poncho^ worn by the men and 
women alike. As has been noted before, the cloth in the native 
loom is narrow, and two strips have to be sewed together to 
give the desired width to the garment. The seam comes in 
the middle of the front and back. As the red and blue line is 
woven into the very edge of the cloth, this sewing together 
makes a double line of red and blue in the center of the 
front and back, in addition to the other decoration, which is 
painted. The two lengths are sewed together with white 

1 1 did not see this robe used in any of the rites. From the nature of its deco- 
ration and the slight information that could be obtained, it seems to be for use 
in a rite performed when rain is desired. 

Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. I, Chap. V, p. 21, mentions a long robe found in one of 
the sacred huts and states that it belonged to one of the priests. 



ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 71 

thread, witli the exception of a small portion about halfway- 
down the front and back, where red and blue threads are used. 
The other decoration is all done with paint. The whole gar- 
ment is thickly spotted with red and black dots. With the excep- 
tion of a zone about a foot in width at the top of the garment 
and another at the bottom, there is scattered at less frequent 
intervals than the dots a design of a broken circle in black with 
red and black dots in the center, the number of which vary 
from three to six. This circle may represent the earthen 
cover which is placed over the burning copal to collect the soot 
for the manufacture of the black paint (PL XIV, Fig. 2). 
This process has a ceremonial object as well. The rounded in- 
terior of the cover represents the dome of the heavens and 
the soot collected in it is symbolic of the black rain cloud. 
The god of rain is called Meusabak (the maker of the black 
powder or soot). It is probable that the figures of the broken 
circles on the ceremonial robe represent the bottom of this 
cover used to collect the soot, not only when it is desired for 
paint, but in certain of the rites when rain is needed. The 
breaks in the circles are the holes at the bottom edge of the 
cover which allow the air to enter. The dots inside the 
circles and over the other parts of the garment may represent 
the rain. 

About halfway down the poncho in the center of the right 
side is represented in solid black a female kid (yuk),^ and on 
the opposite side a male of the same animal. The kid is not, 
as one might suppose, the totemic animal of the encampment 
where the robe was made. The reason for its portrayal could 
not be ascertained. Below this animal on either side is a group 
of concentric circles in red and black. These are said to be the 
breasts (uyim) of the robe. Outside these circles toward the 
side of the garment is a star-shaped figure representing a 
tarantula (toi) of a harmless variety. This is said to have 
been the first thing the owner of the robe had seen after 

1 Yuk, among the Lacaiulones, is translated by the Spanish word cahrito, a 
young goat. Among the Mayas, yuk is given to the venado Colorado. 



72 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

he hud begun to decorate the ponclio. This was probably 
not undertaken until after a rite of some kind had been 
performed. 

Down the center of the robe on either side, just outside the 
red and blue line woven in the cloth, but only in the middle 
zone described before, is a broken line in alternate red and black. 
The term uoibal, its writing, is given as the name of the line. 
Around the edge of the garment are groups of semicircular 
concentric lines of red and black inclosing usually two dots. The 
word uyokil, its feet or border, is the only explanation that 
could be obtained for this part of the decoration. This robe 
shows the most elaborate attempt at ornamentation found 
among the Lacandones. 

Besides this ceremonial garment, the ordinary poncho shows 
signs of decoration. Red paint is offered to the gods (p. 1-11) 
as a part of one of the rites. It is then used to decorate the 
clothes of the participants in the rite in question. Spots of the 
paint are scattered over the whole garment without any seem- 
ing order (PL XXVI, Fig. 1). These fade in time to a yellow. 
In some cases the po7ic7io of the leader of the ceremony has 
circles made upon it representing the breasts seen in the cere- 
monial robe. 

There is also an attempt at decoration seen in the ceremonial 
hut. On the ends of the two cross beams and also near the tops 
of the upright posts on the western side of the hut, on either 
side of the hanging shelf where the idols are kept, there are 
two circles of red. These may represent the red bands of fiber 
bark (huun) used in some of the rites to tie around the heads 
of the participants. In one instance the circle contained a 
cross inside, which may have had some astronomical significa- 
tion. The hollow log (tSem) which serves as a reservoir for 
the ceremonial drink also has the two red circles painted upon 
it for the same signification. 

The decoration of the person is not especially marked. 
After the rite where a gourd of red paint is offered to the 
gods (p. 141), in addition to the painting of the potichos, the 



ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 73 

faces of the participants are also painted. The men have 
spots of red upon the chin and on the forehead and short lines 
under the eyes.^ This is the same decoration seen on the 
incense-burners. The leader in this rite has two circles of red 
running around each ankle and wrist. These probably corre- 
spond to the two circles on the beams and post of the cere- 
monial hut, on the reservoir for balt§e, and on the arrows when 
offered to the gods. In one case observed, a 
baby had his legs entirely painted with the 
red color. 

Among the natives on the Lacantun River, 
in place of the spot of red in the middle of 
the forehead, there is a line of red running 
down from the center of the forehead to the 
end of the nose, and the lines under the eyes 
are longer than those seen on the faces of the 
natives at Lake Petha. The spot on the chin 
is the same in both cases. This difference in 
painting has some totemic or tribal difference which I was 
unable to make out. It may, however, be coincident with the 
two different types of incense-burners and with the different 
gods found in the two places. No painting of the body with 
a black color according to many of the early accounts was 
observed. 

Music. — Music plays a surprisingly small part in the daily life 
of either the Mayas or the Lacandones. They cannot be said to 
be a musical people. The contrast is very marked when one is 
accustomed to hear the singing and playing of the Mexicans. 
Very few of the Mayas have good voices and their singing is 
harsh and unmusical. The grossest discords do not seem to be 
noticed. 

In addition to the many modern musical instruments which 
have been brought into the country, the Mayas have a few which 
are clearly fi survival of the time when music played a part 

1 Figure 18, a figure from the Dresden Codex, shows spots of black paint on 
the chin and forehead. 




74 MAYAS A^D LACAXDONES 

in their ceremonies. One example of the musical bow was 
observed. 1 This was made of a flexible rod and the sinewy fiber 
of a tree as the string. The cord is made to vibrate between 
the lips much in the manner of the Jew's harp as it is struck 
with a stick. Distinct musical sounds are thus produced. 

The drum is found made of a hollow log with two tongues of 
wood of different thickness which are struck with a beater. 
This same form of drum is found among the natives of Mexico, 
and it may have been brought into Yucatan by early settlers from 
that country. 

Among the Lacandones the ceremonial drum is still used 
(PL XX, Fig. 2). This is made of an earthen jar with the 
mouth covered with a piece of skin. The drum stands on a 
base made of twisted vines. It is struck with the palms of the 
hands. There are often two placed side by side in the cere- 
monial hut and beaten at the same time. This form of drum 
always has upon one side a head fashioned in clay similar in all 
respects to that seen on the incense-burners. The drum is a 
god in itself and called Qaiyum, the singing god. 

The conch-shell trumpet is also used in the rites of the 
Lacandones. It is blown in a single note after food has been 
offered to the idols. This is to call the gods to come down and 
partake of the offerings which have been placed on the lips of 
the incense-burners. 

Among the Lacandones a crude form of xylophone was ob- 
served. It was in such imperfect repair that it was impossible 
to ascertain the scale used among the Mayas. The idea may 
easily have been introduced by the Mexicans living in Chiapas, 
as the marimba is common among them. 

A very interesting form of reed oboe (PI. XIV, Fig. 3) is used 
quite extensively among the Lacandones. The mouthj)iece 
consists of a quill inserted in the end of the hollow reed. The 
opening where the sound is produced is built up and surrounded 
by a mass of pitch. There are five finger holes. This flute is 
often used as a ceremonial object and offered to the gods. In 
1 Cf. Saville, 1897, pp. 272-27.3. 



ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 



75 



such a case red paint is placed around each of the finger 
holes.i 

The Lacandone ceremonial rattle (soot) has been mentioned 
under the head o£ decorations (p. 70). It is composed of a 
round gourd through which there runs a 
wooden stick (Fig. 19). At the top, the end 
of the stick is held in place by a knob of 
copal gum. The other end of the stick serves 
as the center of the handle, and is sur- 
rounded by six or eight slender reeds, the 
upper ends of which pierce the gourd in a 
circle around the center hole where the main 
handle enters. These reeds are bound around 
the handle by a winding of bark, and the 
ends of the strips of bark hang down in 

thirteen streamers 

from the lower part 

of the composite 

handle. 2 

A sort of rude 

guitar (petSaktse) is 

made of a fiat and 

thin rectangular , 

board with cross 

pieces at either end, 

over which five 

strings of henequen are strung. There 

is no w^ay of tightening the strings, 

and there is no approach to a scale. 
The Mayas of Yucatan make a 
whistle of horn with which they imitate the cry of the young 
deer. They use this in hunting. 

1 StaiT (1902, a, Fig. 15) describes and pictures a similar flute, but with four 
finger holes, used among the Nalmas in the dance called el Tore de Cuero. See 
also Seler (181)9) for representations of flute and other musical instruments found 
in the Codices. 

2 Ibid. Fig. 24 is a picture of a rattle used among the Mayas and made in a simi- 
lar way as regards the handle. Cf . also Fig. 20, from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus. 





Fig. 19. 
Lacandone rattle. 



76 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 




Writers on the Mayas in the days of the Conquest make 
mention of the tortoise-shell drum, a trumpet of the twisted 
gourd, and a sort of guitar with two arms opposite each other. ^ 
No examples of any of these musical instruments were observed 
either among the Mayas or the Lacandones. 

Games. — The natives of Yucatan still practice some of their 
old games. There is often difficulty in separating these from 
the games of later origin introduced by the Mexicans. 

Yucatan is no exception to the rule of the almost universal 
presence of the string game, or " string figure." The figure 
where three loops meet in the center and called by the Navajos 
a the hogan or hut is called among 

the Mayas the " chicken's foot " 
'^ (umot§kaS). I am not sure, how- 
ever, that the knot in the center 
is the same (Fig. 21). There 
is a figure which, after being 
made, is operated by two persons, 
called "sawing wood" (tinbuh- 
tSe, I am sawing wood). There 
are four loops (Fig. 22) : a is held in the mouth ; the ends of 
the saw, b and c, are held in either hand; and t?, the end of the 
wood to be split, is held by the second person. As the ends, 
h and c, are pulled out from the center in a sawing motion, the 
end d is correspondingly shortened. 

The wooden top (polbiritS) of the ordinary shape is found 
among the Mayas. The peg is a part of the top itself. A 
game is played by drawing a circle on the ground in the center 
of which money or grains of cocoa are placed. The aim is to 
knock outside the ring with the top the objects in the center. 
This is undoubtedly European in origin. 

A game corresponding to the American game of " jack 
stones " is played with kernels of corn. The name in Maya is 
pulanqam and in Spanish tirar y coger. 

1 Sapper (1891, p. 893) mentions a two-armed stringed instrument which he saw 
among the Lacandones. This form probably arises from European influence. 



d 

Fig. 21. Fig. 22. 

String games of the Mayas. 



ARTISTIC ACTIVITY 77 

A bull roarer is made of the dry pod or berry of a tree 
(piston). The pod, which is nearly round and hollow, has 
three holes cut in it. When whirled in the air on the end of 
a string, a pleasing musical sound is made. This instrument 
is said to have taught the early Mayas how to whistle. 

Four grains of corn with one side colored black are used in 
a gambling game (baSal i§im). The winning throws are two 
black or all black sides uppermost. 

A game called wakpel pul (to throw six) is played with five 
sticks (Fig. 23), each about three inches high, set in a circle 
with a sixth in the center. The pieces are made of a certain 
kind of wood which has branches starting out opposite to each 
other (a and b). Each stick has grooves cut in the upper end 
(c), and running in number from one to six. 
The game is to knock down one or more of y^ 

the sticks by standing at a distance and 
throwing coins, cocoa berries, or seeds. 

•The Mayas of Yucatan fly kites, and are 
quite successful in making fire crackers and 
rockets. The two latter accomplishments 
were of course introduced by foreigners. 

Dancing. — Dancing once played a very im- 
portant part in the ceremonial life of the 
Mayas. Special dances were given at certain ^***^^ |^™^ °^ **^® 
times of the year. There were often dances 
for the men and others for the women at the different festivals 
of the Maya year. The few dances which are now reported as 
taking place among the Mayas are generally of mixed origin 
(PL XVIII, Fig. 1). The Stol and palito dances are both strongly 
Mexican in character, although the native elements still remain 
to some degree. 1 

1 Mr. E. H. Thompson has made a special study of the Stol Dance with bio- 
graphic and phonographic records, and at some future date I trust that we may 
have a paper from him on this subject. I was not fortunate in witnessing one 
of these dances. Mr. Starr saw the Stol Dance in 1891 and he gives (1902, a, 
pp. 18-19) the following description: "The xtoles, formerly danced every 
carnival season in Merida, is falling into disuse. . . . They [the dancers] are 




78 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

The Lacandones of the present thne have no definite and set 

dances. They perform a slow movement with the feet in time 

to the shake of the rattle in several of the rites. It seems to 

have no close connection, however, with the progress of the 

ceremony. 

Indians, or are intended to represent them. Their dress is peculiar, characteris- 
tic, and, in part at least, survival. In the company we saw there were fourteen 
dancers and a standard bearer ; of the dancers seven represented females and 
wore the usual female garments and necklaces of coral beads, gold chains, pen- 
dants, etc. ; their breasts were indicated as exaggeratedly developed. The other 
dancers wore the usual men's white shirts and drawers, but the latter had a red 
stripe down the side of the leg ; jingling hawkbeils were hung to various parts 
of the dress ; red fajas (belts) were worn about the waist. Most of the dancers 
wore sandals. All wore crowns, consisting of a circlet of tin, from which rose 
two curving strips of tin, which crossed above the middle of the head; from 
this circlet at spaced intervals rose four feathers — either real feathers or imita- 
tions in tin. Two of these crowns, with real feathers and of unusual magnifi- 
cence, denote the king and queen. Under these crowns, covering the top of the 
head and hanging down behind over the shoulders and back, were gay red and 
blue kerchiefs. All were masked, mostly with old bits of brown cloth, with eye 
perforations and with nose and chin pinched up and developed by tying. The 
men wore a baldric, or bandolier, which was probably of ancient type. It was 
wide, square at the ends, made of cotton, with inwoven designs — geometrical, 
animal, bird, etc. — in colors; at the ends hung bivalve shells. The rattles 
used had an oval body set into a conical bunch of splints, uniting downward 
into a handle ; these rattles were painted gayly. Fans were carried by most 
of the dancers ; they had a wooden frame and handle, decorated with the 
national colors ; the body was made of the handsome feathers of the ocellated 
turkey ; the handle is made of the turkey's leg. There were two musicians, 
one witli a pito, or whistle, with a small mouthpiece gummed at the end of a 
long tin tube pierced with note holes ; the other carried a painted tin drum of 
the huehuetl type ; this he played with his hands. . . . The standard con- 
sisted of a long pole, surmounted by a tin disk, representing the sun's face with 
a protruding tongue ; on the cotton banner were painted the sun, two men danc- 
ing, a serpent, and the words Suhurhio de Santiago, 1900. The leader of the 
dance, the queen, carried a cord of San Francisco, with which to strike un- 
skilled performers and intruders. Besides their own musicians, they had an 
accompanying band, which played music like their own ; it played before and 
after the dancing and when the company passed from house to house. During 
the dance itself the pitero and drummer perform. The music was peculiar and 
may be both old and Indian. The words sung were Mayan. ... At the begin- 
ning of the dance, the king, queen, and two musicians were in the center, the 
dancers circling around them in a double circle ; they then formed into two 
files, facing, alternately, men and women ; salutes were given and pairs danced ; 
a man danced, first with one, then with the other, of his immediate neighbors. 
There was a good deal of indecent suggestion in the dance. The fans and rattles 
were used in gi'aceful movements, among which crossings were frequent." 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 

I SHALL assume from the very beginning that the religious 
life of the Lacaudones of the present day is a survival, not 
only of the former religion of this one branch of the people, 
but of the ancient Mayas of Yucatan as well, if not of the whole 
Maya stock. Grounds for this assumption are furnished by 
the frequent similarities which will be pointed out between the 
religion now existing among the Lacandones and that of the 
Mayas of the peninsula at the time of the Conquest as 
described by Padre Diego de Landa in his " Relaci6nes de Las 
Cosas de Yucatan," and by other Spanish priests and explorers. 

It has seemed best to take up first in detail the religion of 
the Lacandones of the Usumacinta region, and finally that of 
the Mayas of Yucatan. With a knowledge of the religious 
rites of the Lacandones, parallels may be more easily seen in 
the remains of rites now being carried on by the nominally 
Catholic subjects in Yucatan. 

Padre Landa states that the Mayas had great fear of death 
and disease.i This is seen to-day in all the ceremonies of the 
Lacandones in honor of their gods. The principal aim of 
these rites seems to be that of a supplication for life and 
health. The prayers used are, without exception, propitiations 
and supplications made to the gods to ward off dangers and 
diseases in exchange for the sacrifices offered to them.2 The 

1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXIII, p. 194: " Que esta gente tenia niucho temor y 
excessive a la muerte, y esto muestravan en que todos los servicios que^ a sus 
dioses hazian no eran por otro fin ni para otra cosa sino para que les diessen 
salud V vida y mantenimientos." . ^, , ,.„„ 

2 Cf the same idea expressed in an account of the natives written in the latter 
part of the sixteenth century, " Relacidn de Cicontiim," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 201: 
- Adoraban a ydolos de piedra y barro y de palos que hazian de sus raanos, 
y era para pedir la salud y hazienda buenos temporales." 

79 



80 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

spiritual side of the religion is, of course, always uppermost, 
as with all uncivilized and semi-civilized people. Brinton sa3^s, 
"The earliest hymns and prayers do not, as a rule, contain 
definite requests, but a general appeal to the god to be pres- 
ent, to partake of the feast which is spread, . . . and to con- 
tinue his good offices toward those who call upon him." ^ 

Both the Mayas and the Lacandones believe in a future life 
and in a place filled with everything good, where, with the 
exception of suicides, every one sooner or later goes. There 
is a conductor who accompanies the piSan or soul to its final 
resting place. Food is given for this journey, but at its com- 
pletion human aid is no longer necessary for the happiness of 
the departed spirit. ^ 

The Lacandones are not at the lowest stage of religious 
experience. Their entreaty for life and health is not purely 
personal and selfish, as the wife and children are always 
mentioned in the prayers. The personal ego enlarges into 
that of the family, and the beginning of altruism is formed. 
As the wife has no part in the ceremonial life of the tribe, her 
welfare has necessarily to be looked after by the husband. 

The ethical side of religion, as distinguished from the 
spiritual, is almost wholly lacking among the Lacandones. 
The social consciousness of this people acts with little strength 
outside the family, or possibly beyond the small totemic divi- 
sion. The general fear of death, with a desire for the per- 
petuation of the species, and the specific and local dangers 
of fever and the bite of serpents are the causes of religious 
observance among the Lacandones. 

Gods. — There is a hierarchy of gods, each of whom seems to 
have a different function to perform and possesses different 
attributes. Landa mentions the names of thirty-six gods and 
goddesses in describing the ceremonies celebrated in the 
months of the Maya year. In a few cases the names of the 
gods as given by the early authorities correspond to the names 
of those now being worshiped among the natives. The mere 

1 Brinton, D. G., 1897, p. 104. 2 cf. Mortuary Customs, p. 47. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 81 

name seems to survive often when the functions and attributes 
either have changed or have vanished completely. 

With one or two exceptions, the gods are more or less 
friendly and well disposed toward the natives. They are of 
both sexes, and are supposed often to inhabit the interior of 
cliffs. The ruined temples found throughout the country i are 
believed to be the shrines and homes of some of the gods. 
Each god has a distinct dwelling place, which is usually on the 
borders of a lake or river. 

Frequent pilgrimages are even now made by the Indians 
to the ruins. 2 Rites are performed there, as is shown by the 
finding of incense-vessels and the remains of burned copal in 
the rooms of the ruined structures. 

Almost constant references occur in the books of early 
travelers and missionaries, as well as in those of later 
explorers, concerning the finding of incense-vessels and copal 
in the ruined structures.^ 



1 As has been stated, at Piedras Negras and Menche or Yaxchilan on the 
Usumacinta Kiver, there are large ruined cities, as well as many smaller ones 
on several tributaries of the river. For a map of the ruins, see Maler, 1901- 
1903, PI. I. 

2 Sapper, 1897, p. 265: "Bis vor Kurzem kamen eine Anzahl Lacandonen 
(v?ahrscheinlich von Lacanja aus) nach den Ruinen von Mench^ Tunamit um 
ihre Feste zu feiern und ihren Gottern zu opfern, v?obei sie ihre Opferschalen 
im Tempel zuruckliessen. Genaueres iiber den Verlauf ihrer Feste ist aber 
nicht bekannt." 

3 For early accounts, see Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Chap. VII, p. 193: " Hallfe 
en una de las dos Capillas cacas ofrecido, y senal de copal (que es su incienso) 
de poco tiempo alii quemado, y que lo era de alguna supersticion, 6 idolatria 
recien cometida." 

Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 264: "... era el Adoratorio 
de los perversos Idolos de aquellos Lacandones, donde se hallaron nmchos de 
ellos, de formas raras, como assimismo cantidad de gallinas muertas, Brasseros, 
con senales de aver quemado copal y aun se hallaron las cenizas calientes, y 
otras diversas, rediculas, y abominables cosas, pertenecieutes k la execucion de 
sus perversos Ritos, y Sacrificios." 

Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 158: "Que tenian gran muchedumbre de 
idolos y templos sumptuosos en su manera, y aun sin los comunes templos 
tenian los senores sacerdotes y gente principal oratorios y idolos en casa para 
sus oraciones y ofrendas particulares. Y que tenian a Cuzmil y pogo de Chiche- 
niza en tanta veneracion como nosotros a las romerias de Hierusalem y Roma y 



82 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

In an important ruined center, to which the name the Ruins 
of Tzendales has been given, on the Rio Colorado, an affluent 
of the Tzendales and this in turn of the Lacantun, which 
unites with the Chixoy or Salinas to form the Usumacinta,i 
there was found by the writer in one of the rooms of the best 
preserved of the structures five incense-burners of the type 
ordinarily made by the Lacandones. These were arranged on 
the floor in a line in front of a stela, sculptured only on one side 
and at right angles to it. This stone was not in its original 

assi les ivan a visitar y offrecer dones, principalmente a la de Cozmil, como 
nosotros a lugares. santos, y ya que no ivan, siempre embiavan sus offrendas. 
Y los que ivan tenian de costumbre de entrar tambien en templos derelictos, 
quando passavan por ellos a orar y quemar copal." 

For later accounts, see Charnay, 1882, p. 88 : ". . . se trouvent une multitude 
de vases d'une terre grossi^re et d'une forme nouvelle; ce sont des bols de dix 
k quinze centimetres de diamfetre sur cinq k six de hauteur, dont les bords 
sond orn^s de masques humains repr^sentant des figures camardes et d'autres h, 
grandes nez busqu^s, v^ritables caricatures ou Part fait compl^tement d^faut. 
Cependant 11 faut bien remarquer cette difference de types qui pourrait designer 
deux races. Ces vases servaient de bruler parfums, et la plupart sont encore k 
moitie pleins de copal. . . . Nous retrouverons de ces memes vases dans tons les 
Mifices qui paraissent avoir ^t^ destines au culte." 

Maler, 1901-1903, pp. 64, 88, 90, 123, 130, and 162. 

Maudslay, 1889-1902, Text, Vol. II, p. 46, and 1883, p. 200. In the latter 
place, in speaking of the ruins of Yaxchilan, Mr. Maudslay says: "In nearly all 
the houses, I found earthen pots, partly filled with some half-burned resinous 
substance. . . . They were in great numbers round the idol in the house I lived 
in. Some looked newer than others, and many were in such positions that it was 
clear that they had been placed there since the partial destruction of the houses. 
I have little doubt that they have been made and brought by the Lacandon In- 
dians, who still live in an untamed state in small communities on the banks of 
these rivers, and if my conjecture be correct, it may be that the fact of these 
Indians still holding in reverence the temples built by their ancestors, and mak- 
ing offerings of incense, has lent strength to the story which for many years 
has been current in Central America, that there exists an inhabited Indian city 
hidden away in the forests, and still flourishing as in the days of the Conquest." 
(Cf. Stephens, 1841, Vol. II, p. 195.) 

Sapper, 1891, pp. 891, 894 : " Sie pflegten die opferschalen an Ort und Stelle 
zuriickzulassen und als ich (am 21, Juli 1891) dieser Ruinen (Yaxchilan) 
besuchte, fand ich auch wirklich noch zahlreiche von diesen opferschalen vor, 
wenngleich zum grossten teil zerbrochen." 

1 These ruins are of much importance, and I hope at some future date to give 
a more extended notice of them. They are on the land owned by the Compania 
Romano. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 83 

position, but had probably been brought in from its place in 
front of the building and set up in the center of the back wall 
of the room in question. The bas-relief represented a priestly 
character. The entire room showed signs of the burning 
of incense, as the walls and ceiling were completely blackened. 

The incense-burners found showed signs of age. They were 
covered for the most part with a deep calcareous deposit often 
noted on the walls of the ruined buildings. Signs of paint 
still remained, and this was in most cases on the surface of the 
incrustation of lime, showing that, in all probability, the incense- 
burners were allowed to remain in the ruins and were redeco- 
rated from time to time when they were employed in carrying 
out a religious rite. 

The temples and sculptures in each of the ruined cities are 
supposed to have been made by the early ancestors of the race. 
This belief is common among the ISIayas as well as among the 
Lacandones. It is most natural therefore that the natives 
should visit these buildings and believe them to be inhabited 
by the gods of the race. 

In order that we may not rely too strongly on this fact of 
pilgrimages to the ruined centers, and the seeming adoration 
of certain sculptured figures as pointing to a direct connec- 
tion between the old and new cultures, and, furthermore, as 
showing the continuity of the whole, I will suggest another 
possible explanation. It is not at all unlikely nor unnatural 
for an intruding people gradually to connect unusual natural 
features, which to them seem unnatural and new, with their 
idea of the supernatural. This does not necessarily limit itself 
to natural phenomena, and we may easily imagine that on the 
discovery of immense structures of stone, these buildings 
would appear, as far as they were concerned, as if built by some 
supernatural agency. These ruined cities, even if in a com- 
paratively ruinous condition, might well have been gradually 
included in the religious conceptions of the people, so that the 
whole system of their mythology would come in time to be 
centered around the ruined stone structures. 



84 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

Now that the country is being overrun with mahogany- 
hunters, the Lacanclones have refrained from visiting tlie ruins 
lying in the common routes of travel and leaving their incense- 
burners, as those deposited in the past have either been 
appropriated or destroyed by the Mexican visitors. 

These incense-burners are used by the Lacandones in their 
religious ceremonies. Each family or group of connected fami- 
lies living together possesses several of the incense-burners or 
hraseros. There was no instance noted where there were hra- 
seros for all the gods. The selection and number of the idols 
and incense-burners depend on well-defined rules, which will be 
given later (p. 99). In one encampment there were forty of 
the sacred oUas, but no instance was observed where there were 
the large number recorded by Cogolludo.^ 

The incense-burner, or hrasero (PI. XV, Fig. 2), is a combina- 
tion of a bowl for burning incense with a grotesque face mask 
on one side of the olla.'^ They are made of native clay by the 
Indians who use them. In the bowl, on the edge of which is 
the head, copal is burned, and on the protruding lip of the face 
offerings of food and drink are made in behalf of one of the 



The early historians speak of idols of wood and stone as well 
as those of clay. They also mention the incense-vessels as if 
they were separate from the idols. ^ It seems at first as if the 
ollas which we have described have a double function, that of 
an idol as represented by the grotesque head and of an incense- 



1 Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IX, Chap. XII, p. 502: "Gran multitud de Idolos, 
tanto, que dize el Padre Fuensalida, que parece no se puede contar, porque para 
cada cosa, que sentian tener necessidad." 

2 It has been suggested that the face of these incense-burners is represented 
as if in the open mouth of some animal. For a good example of this idea, see 
Penafiel, 1890, PI. 48, Fig. 107. For a discussion of this point, see Seler, 
1895 and 1904, p. 85. Nadaillac (1884, p. 296) pictures a vessel which shows some 
similarity to the common form of incense-burner of the Lacandones. He 
describes it as representing the head of a priest covered with human skin. 

^ Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 242 : " La hazian cada ano y demas desto reno- 
vavan los idolos de barro y sus braseros, ca costumbre era tener cada idolo un 
braserito en que le quemassen su encienso." 



BELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 85 

burner as shown in the bowl. This, it will be found, is in 
part true. 

That there were in use among the early Mayas of Yucatan 
ollas of clay identical with the braseros, or incense-burners, with 
the grotesque head now used by the Lacandones, is probable 
from a description of some idols of clay used at Valladolid in 
the early days of the Spanish occupation i as well as a few 
examples found in connection with archaeological work. 

Plate XVI, Fig. 1, shows a small incense bowl with the gro- 
tesque head upon the rim of the olla. This is from the ruins 
of Labna, and shows the same idea as is seen in the incense- 
burner of the Lacandones of the present time, that of a bowl 
for burning incense and a head representing a god of some 
kind. 

Plate XVI, Fig. 2, shows an incense-burner from the Island of 
Cozumel.2 This is a very interesting specimen, in that, instead 
of the large lip on which to place the offering, as in the braseros 
of the Lacandones, there is a shelf-like projection below the 

outh on which an offering of some sort is represented in clay. 



m 



1 "Relaci6n de la villa de Valladolid, escrita por el cabildo de aquella ciudad 
por mandado de su Majestad y del muy ilustre Senor Don Guillen de Las Casas, 
Gobernador y Capitan General, Abril de 1578," 1881, Vol. II, p. 185; also 1900, 
Vol. XIII, pp. 27, 28 : "Adoraban unos Idolos hechos de barro a manera de 
jarrillos y'de uiacetas de albahaca, hechos en ellos de la parte de afuera rostros 
desemejados, quemaban dentro de estos una resina llamada copal, de gran oler. 
Esto les ofrecian a estos idolos, y ellos cortaban en muchas partes de sus 

miembros y ofrecian aquella sangre Para estos sacrificios y sus areytos 

usaban beber y euiborracharse con un vino que ellos haclan de una corteza de un 
arbol que llaman baleze y miel y agua." 

Also p. 178 (1881) and p. 19 (1900) : "Tenfan sus idolos en la casa de arriba 
hechos de barro, de la forma de macetas de albahaca, muy bocadeadas, con sus 
pies y en ellos hechos rostros mal ajestados y disformes de malas cataduras, 
echaban dentro de este idolo una resina que llaman copal a manera de iiicienso, 
y esta reverencia ofrendaban y quemaban que daba de sf muy gran oler, y con 
esto hacen contino sus ritos, ceremonias y adoraciones." 

Also, " Relacion de los pueblos de Popola, y Sinsimato y Samiol," 1900, Vol. 
XIII, pp. 44, 45: "Usaban de adorar unos jarrillos hechos en ellos rostros de- 
semejados, teniendolos por sus ydolos quemavan dentro y ofresian una rresina 
llamada copal ques como trementina elada, de gran oler, y se cortavan en 
muchas partes para ofrecer la sangre a aquel ydolo." 

2 This specimen was collected by Mr. E. H. Thompson. 



86 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

The band encircling the upper part of the bowl may well rep- 
resent one of the bands of bark similar to those placed around 
the rims of the incense-burners of the Lacandones as offerings 
to the gods before they are tied around the heads of the partici- 
pants in the rites (p. 129). This specimen has three holes in 
the bottom. 

Plate XVI, Fig. 3, shows an incense-burner of the bowl variety ^ 
which seems to be a transition form. In place of the head we 
find a conventionalized representation. The five knobs of clay 
above that which seems to stand for the head is a conventional- 
ized method of representing the hair. This same idea is seen 
in a modern incense-burner collected by the writer in Chiapas 
(PL XVI, Fig. 5). It is an entirely different type from those 
usually seen. The face constitutes a part of the jar itself, and 
the hair is represented by the five knob-like bits of clay on the 
edge of the bowl. In the incense-vessel from the Hondo River 
these knobs are on the front rather than on the rim of the bowl. 
There are five in each case, and there can be little doubt that 
they represent the hair shown in the usual form of hrasero of 
the Lacandones by vertical pieces of clay painted alternately 
red and black (PL XV, Fig. 2). 

Plate XVI, Fig. 4, shows another hrasero from the Hondo 
River. In this the conventionalized head is seen as in the 
former incense-burner from the same locality. The represen- 
tation of the hair by the five knob-like projections has been 
enlarged into an ornamentation for the entire rim of the bowl. 

We thus find these different types of incense-burners belong- 
ing to the older culture period of Yucatan and the countrj^ to 
the south, together with modern examples which agree with 
them more or less perfectly. 

The greater part of the in cense- vessels found in the ruins of 
Yucatan and throughout the other regions of Maya culture 
contain no trace of the head. It is difficult to decide which is 
the older form, the simple plate or bowl for burning incense or 

1 This bowl is from the vicinity of the Hondo River on the boundary of Yuca- 
tan and British Honduras. The specimen is now in the Peabody Museum. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 87 

the bowl combined with some form of head. If we consider the 
type of bowl with the knob-like projection as a transition form, 
we are led to the conclusion that the most primitive form of 
incense-burner was the bowl on which was represented the 
whole body at first,^ and then the head of a person or animal. 
This form of hrasero is found in many parts of Mexico. 

Among the isolated Mayas of Chiapas and the south, the 
original form of the incense-burner with the head may liave 
survived,^ whereas, in Yucatan, the olla with the head had, for 
the most part, at the time of the Conquest, given way first to 
the conventionalized head and then to its 
disappearance altogether. This is simply 
given as a hypothesis and is worthy of 
extended investigation. 

It has been found that the idol proper, 
the stone image as representing the god, 
still exists among the Lacandones. Fig- 
ure 24 shows one of these idols. It is of 
jade. These idols are placed inside the 
incense-bowls and over them the incense fig. 24. 

is burned. 3 Collections of jade ornaments Jade head used as idol by 

„ , . , . , , ,11, the Lacandones. 

contani inany ngures whicli, without doubt, 

were formerly used as idols in the same manner as those found 

to-day among the Lacandones. Mr. Maler reports a collection 

of jade ornaments taken from a mound near Merida by one 

Rafael Quintero and finally given to a General Gonzalez of 

Mexico. There were five idols of jade which showed signs of 

fire and from the same excavation some jade medallions or 

1 Cf. PI. XVII, Fig. 1, and also a vessel from the Isla de Mugeres pictured in 
Salisbury, 1878, PI. I, Fig. 4. 

- Plate XVII, Fig. 5, shows the most elaborate type of incense-burners found 
among the Lacandones. The two specimens of this type seen did not con- 
tain the head, but each clearly showed where it had once been. From appear- 
ances the head was evidently much smaller in proportion to the bowl than 
those of the u.^ual form. "We may find in this a sign of the coming disappear- 
ance of the head. 

•^ Figure 25, p. 88, from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, may intend to show an 
idol inside an olla. 





88 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

breastplates showing no traces of ever having been in contact 
with fire. 

These idols of the Lacandones are sometimes of stone other 
than jade. They all are guarded with the greatest secrec}'. 
They have been handed down from generation to generation, 
and are believed, originally, to have come each from the home 
of the respective god whom it repre- 
sents. 

An ancestor of the family is sup- 
posed to have made a pilgrimage 
to the home of each god, and there 
obtained the carved stone, an image 
of the god. There is therefore the 
strongest feeling for the gods of the 
Fig. 25. family, although new idols are made 

Tro-Cort. 100, d. from time to time. Now, as it was 

explained, it is almost impossible to obtain a carved stone as 
representing a god whose presence is desired in the encamp- 
ment, but the pilgrimage must be made, and a stone, usually 
nothing more than a pebble, is brought back from the home 
of the god and placed in the incense-burner. ^ 

The Lacandones of the present time, judging from their utter 
lack of artistic skill and execution as seen in the decoration of 
their gourds and other religious utensils, as well as in the mod- 
eling of their braseros, are practically incapable of fashioning 
any images in stone.^ Consequently, when an entirely new 
idol is desired, a stone is employed with little or no artificial 
shaping. In one instance, in place of the usual incense-burners, 
pieces of unworked stone about eight inches square were used 

1 When one of the.se journeys is made, an incense-burner of a smaller size and 
containing no idol is taken and left as an offering to the god in question. Mr. 
Maler (1901-1903, p. 123) tells of finding three new incen.se-burners in one of 
the rooms in the ruins of Yaxchilan. Compare also references to finding incense- 
burners in the ruins (p. 81, note 3). 

2 The serpentine figure pictured by Maler (1901-1903, p. 02) from Budsilha 
may be an attempt at carving by one of the early Lacandones. Other crude 
figures and faces in stone often seen in collections may show attempts at manu- 
facturing these idols even down to the present time. 



BELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 89 

on which to burn the incense. These had been brought from 
the ruins of Yaxchihin. They seemed to be more in the nature 
of incense-burners than of idols. 

A renewal of the incense-burners takes place at frequent in- 
tervals, and the idols of stone are then taken from the old and 
placed in the new- ollas. We do not encounter these idols in 
the ruins at the present time as we do the incense-burners. 
The latter which are found are either " dead," and thus have 
had the stone removed, or they are in the nature of servants 
who are supposed to carry out the demands of the gods, and 
these never contain the stone (p. 87). 

In spite of the fact that the idol proper is deposited inside 
the brasero, this latter in itself has a twofold function, that of 
idol and bowl for burning incense. It is to the head on the olla 
that the offerings are made in behalf of the god represented by 
the idol behind and inside the bowl. The grotesque head of 
clay is an idol in itself, in that it is a representation of a god of 
a much inferior capacity, whose duty it is to carry the offerings 
to the main deity to whom he is dependent. In the rite where 
the incense-burners are renewed, there are also made a large 
number of smaller oUas of the same shape as the larger ones, but 
not containing any stone as representing a god. This is the 
class of oUas that are usually found in the ruins. They are in 
the nature of offerings to the gods, to aid them in carrying out 
their demands (PI. XVIII, Fig. 2). 

For convenience, I shall call the large ollas containing the 
idols of stone braseros, the term used by Landa, and the smaller 
incense-burners braseritos. Each of the latter belongs to a cer- 
tain one of the gods represented by the idols in the larger oUas. 

The Lacandones do not, as far as my observation has gone, 
possess idols of wood or clay objects which might be taken for 
idols other then the heads on the braseros. 

Plate XV, Fig. 2, shows one of the braseritos, the head of which 
is much larger in proportion to the whole than are the heads on 
the bowls of the larger size. The olla represented is five inches 
across and three inches high. More often they are larger, 



90 MAYAS AND LAC AN DON ES 

measuring seven inches in diameter and five inches in height. ^ 
The red and black stripes on the top of the head and below the 
mouth represent the hair and beard respectively. The lines 
of the same two colors on the front of the bowl are counter- 
parts of the decoration supposed to exist on the dress of the god. 
The raised red spot on the forehead between the eyes and the 
short line above and below the eyes have their counterj)art in 
the painting of the face of the participants in certain of the 
ceremonies (p. 141). No explanation could be obtained for 
these markings nor for the red-and-black star on either side of 
the mouth, other than that the latter were the cheek bones of 
the god. The ears are shown as protruding spots at either side 
of the face, and are painted black, in the centre of which is a 
small hole. The large and prominent nose is painted black on 
the end, and has two large elongated slits as nostrils. In many 
of the hraseros the teeth are shown and are painted alternately 
red and black. 

The decoration of both the brasero and braserito is in general 
the same. The differences are very slight. In the painting of 
the smaller class some have red and black lines crossing the 
vertical ones in front of the bowl. These with the cross lines 
are regarded as female in sex. 

Among the Lacandones who live to the south and east of 
Yaxchilan, there is a slightly different type of incense-burner 
(PL XVII, Fig. 2). The eyes differ from those of the Petha 
type (Fig. 26). The nostrils are round dots rather than slits 
and the mouth is very small. The forehead elevation is 
lacking.^ 

There is another type (PI. XVII, Figs. 2 and 3) from east 
and south Yaxchilan differing in the arrangement of the upper 

1 The largest that was seen measured 6 inches in height to the top of the bowl. 
The height to the top of the head was 9^ inches. The diameter of the bowl was 
8| inches. 

■■^ Charnay (1887, p. 443) notes finding incense-burners of the two forms in 
the ruins of Yaxchilan, and he states that the difference of type may point to 
two different races. As I have before noted, this difference may coincide with a 
difference noted in painting the face and in the use of certain gods. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 



91 



part of the head from that just described. In place of the con- 
ventional arrangement of the hair, there is a rope effect. 

There is still another type of bi-asero among the Lacandones. 
This is composed of a larger bowl (PL XVII, Fig. 5), with a 
design similar to that seen on one of the gourds (PI. XXI, 
Fig. 1). On the one pictured the head is gone, but one similar 
in decoration seen 
in a settlement of C ('^ 

Lacandones on the 
Lacantun River 
had a head very 
much smaller in 
proportion to the 
size of the bowl 
than those of the 
regular Petha 
type. 

The Lacandones 
assert that in for- 
mer times the in- 
cense-burners were 
made in other 
forms, some pos- 
sessing arms and legs. These are seldom made or used now. 

In one of the encampments, small animals made of clay were 
noted (PL XIX, Fig. 1). One of these had on its back a 
minute bowl for holding copal. This was never used in any of 
the rites and seemed to serve as a plaything for the children. 
It may well have been a degraded survival of the time when 
animals made of clay were offered to the gods as sacrifices. 

Plate XIX, Fig. 2, shows one of the braseritos identical in 
shape with the larger varieties, but used by the children in learn- 
ing the sequences of the religious rites and the chants employed 
before the idols and incense-burners. 

As belonging to the gods themselves, the braseros are kept 
with great care and observance. In every collection of huts 




Fig. 2(i. 
Incense-burner of the Lacandones. 



92 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

there is always one which is larger than the others. This is 
used exclusively for the observances of the rites in behalf of 
the gods. 1 The domestic and religious life of the Lacandones 
are always carried on in separate places. The sacred hut has 
its own fire and its own utensils, which are exclusively used for 
the celebration of the religious observances. To bring any 
food into the domestic hut renders it unfit to be offered to the 
gods. Great secrecy and privacy in regard to the rites inside 
the sacred hut, together with its contents, are carefully ob- 
served. In many settlements this hut is surrounded by a 
screen of palm leaves to protect it from the prying eyes of 
the occasional Mexican visitor. Sometimes when there are 
important rites in progress all the trails leading to the settle- 
ment are stopped up with underbrush. Any attempt at 
approach to the sacred inclosure is absolutely denied the 
outsider. 2 

It seems to be an especially bad omen if the sight of any of 
the braseros is obtained by a foreigner. With difficulty one 
may induce the Indians to talk about their gods when admis- 
sion to the sacred hut or any approach to it would be denied 
even at a time when there is no rite in progress. 

Outwardly, the hermita, or house of the idols, is the same as 
the domestic habitation (PI. VIII, Figs. 1, 2, and 3). It is 
thatched with palm leaves which come down very low, thus 
affording an effective screen to the interior of the hut, as there 
are no sides. The two ends are entirely open, and it is around 
these that the tall fence of palm leaves is built if they point 

1 Cf. Villagutierre, 1701, Bk. IV, Chap. XIV, p. 264 : " Y la otra (casa) aim 
mas grande, que todas las otras, era el Adoratorio de los perversos Idolos de 
aquellos Lacandones, donde se hallaron niuchos de ellos, de fonnas raras." 

- Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 203 : "In der Cariben-Ansiedelung am Pet Ha dagegen 
wurde mir der Zugang zur Erraita verwehrt ; melne Fiihrer aber besuchten die- 
selbe unbemerkt und machten mir eine Beschreibung davon, welche im Allge- 
meiuen mit meinen friiheren Erfahrungen von Izan zusammenstimmte." 

Also ibid., p. 265 : " Aber scheue Geschopfe, die jeden Versuch, liber ihrer 
Religion zu sprechen (so weit ihr sehr gebrochenes Spanisch so etwas uberliaupt 
gestatten wiirde), rait grosser Entschiedenheit zuriickwiesen. " 

Also Sapper, 1891, pp. 892-895. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 93 

toward a path or trail by which the Mexicans are likely to 
approach the encampment. The house is oblong, with the long 
sides to the east and west. 

The list of gods found existing among the Lacandones of the 
present time numbers fifteen. This list is by no means ex- 
haustive. No collection of idols in any one community repre- 
sents all the gods, but only those who have shown themselves as 
well disposed toward the people among whom they are to exist. 

The major deity among the natives of Chiapas is called 
Nohotsakyum (the great father). The same god, called Nohoti- 
yumtsak, is found to-day among the Mayas of Yucatan. He 
is one of a class of spirits dependent only on El G-rati Bios, 
introduced by the Spaniards. Nohotiakyum is at the head of 
Lacandone pantheon. It is to him that the greatest rever- 
ence is paid. Two flowers, t§aknikte (Plumeria rubra) and 
saknikte (^Plumeria alba), are considered the father and mother 
respectively of NohotSakyum. These two flowers are used in 
some of the rites, one of each kind being placed on the mouth of 
the brasero containing the idol of NohotSakyum. In the prayers 
given before the idols, the other and lesser deities are invoked 
to come and carry the sacrifices offered and present them to 
" the great lord." His power is wholly beneficent. He does 
not use it at all times, however, but withdraws it and denies it 
as he sees fit. The method of ascertaining whether or not a 
god is willing to have himself represented by an idol and 
brasero in any encampment will be described later (p. 99). 
NohotSakyum of the Lacandones lives at the ruins of Yaxchilan. 
Tlie Lacandones of Lake Petha stated that NohotSakyum lived 
near Anaite. Now Anaite is a short distance south of the 
Usumacinta River, about midway between Piedras Negras and 
Yaxchilan or Menche. The location of the homes of the gods 
given by the Petha Lacandones was only in general terms. 
The direction " near Anaite " may well be either the ruins at 
Piedras Negras to the north or those of Yaxchilan to the south. 
It is stated that there are ruins at the home of NohotSakyum. 
Later, however, in a settlement much nearer the vicinity of the 



94 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

ruins themselves, it was definitely stated that NohotSakyum and 
many of the other gods inhabited the ruins of Yaxchilan. 
This city is in an easterl}- direction from the encampment near 
Lake Petha, where most of the observations were made. More- 
over, the spirits of the east, Yalanqinqu, are regarded as the 
servants of this main god. The sun itself occupies an inferior 
place in the pantheon. It is regarded as' a servant ready to 
carry out the commands of his master, Nohotiakyum. Many of 
the constellations and the spirit of the thunder are regarded as 
other servants of "the great lord." It is supposed that at the 
end of the world NohotSakyum will wear around his waist as a 
belt the body of Hapikern, a very bad spirit in the form of a 
snake, who draws people to him by his breath and slays them. 

Nohotiakyum has a daughter called Ertub (the little one) or 
Upal (his child). She lives at Yaxchilan in the same locality 
as her father. He also has several sons. None of them are 
represented in any of the collections of idols in any of the en- 
campments visited by tlie writer, and their names have not 
been made out. 

Nohotiakyum is one of four brothers. Yantho is the oldest 
of the four and seems to rank as second in importance to 
Nohotiakyum. His home is on the Usumacinta River near 
Tenosique, in some high cliffs.^ He has the spirit of the north, 
Samanqinqu, associated with him in his work, and his home is 
situated in the north in respect to the country occupied by the 
Lacandones. Among the Lacandones on the Lacantun River, 
the god Yantho is said to belong to another part, and in a few 
other cases there seems to be a distinction made in regard to 
the gods between the natives around Lake Petha and eastward 
of Ocosingo and those on the Salinas and Lacantun. This is a 
question on which it will be necessary to have much more 
material before we can decide with any definiteness. It may, 
as I have stated before, point to a time when the Lacandones 
were not as homogeneous as they now appear to be. 

1 Undoubtedly the cliffs are those at Boca del Cerro. See Maler, 1901-1903, 
PI. I. 



i 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 95 

The second brother, according to age, is called Usukun, which 
in Maya means his older brother. He is thus named in respect 
to NohotSakyum. This god lives in a cave. He has the earth- 
quake, Kisin, as his servant, and is not of good intention. His 
idol is usually found, however, in every collection of the sacred 
ollas, but it is always placed apart from the rest, as if its 
presence would be harmful when in the vicinity of the braseros 
of the other gods. The idol of Usukun is not neglected, however, 
but it is placated with offerings of food and drink as are those 
of the other gods. 

The younger brother of NohotSakyum is called Uyioin. This 
word has the meaning "his younger brother." He lives at 
Yaxchilan in company with the gods who make that place 
their residence. His power is always for the good. 

It is probable that the four brothers are identified with the 
four cardinal points, with NohotSakyum representing the east 
(yalanqin) as the leader. Yantho is clearly associated with the 
north (gamanqin). A god called Mensabak seems to be identi- 
fied with the west (tSiqin) rather than either of the two other 
brothers. The god associated with the south (noholqin) has 
not been made out. It is quite probable that the four brothers 
are the same as the four NukutiyumtSakob found existing 
among the Mayas of Yucatan (p. 155). 

Next in importance to the four brothers is the goddess Akna 
(the mother). She is considered the mother of certain of the 
lesser gods as NohotSakyum is the father of many of the gods. 
The exact relation existing between him and Akna has not been 
satisfactorily made out. Akna is the goddess of childbirth. 
Prayers and offerings are made especially to her on the birth 
of a child. When serving in this capacity she is called Kt§el. 
This is the same deity mentioned by the early authorities as 
goddess of medicine and of childbirth. 

The latter has a husband called AqantSob^ or T§itsakt§ob. 



1 The literal meaning of this name is the squint-eyed one (tsob) crying aloud 

(aqan). 



96 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

Landa^ mentions that in the year whose dominical letter was 
Cauac, in order to avert certain calamities, idols were made to 
the demonios, one of whom was called "-Chichak-chob/'^ Among 
the Lacandones Aqant§ob or Tsitsaktiob is one of the favoring 
deities. Both he and his consort, Akna, live at Yaxchilan. 

A god named loana lives also at Yaxchilan. The similarity 
of the name of this god with that of Itzamna, also written 
Zamna, one of the culture heroes of the Mayas, is very striking. 
In the Lacandone pantheon, neither the position of loana nor 
that of another god called loananohqu points to any close con- 
nection between them and the Itzamna of old, as they both 
occupy places far inferior to that of NohotSakyum and his three 
brothers. In one settlement loana was said to be the caretaker 
of the underworld, but he seems in no way to be connected with 
the idea of death. 

We thus find in many of the names given to the gods of the 
Lacandones survivals of names stated by the early historians as 
the names of the gods of the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. 
In only a few cases, however, do the attributes of a god remain 
unchanged. 

The name of the other culture hero of the early natives of Yu- 
catan, Ququlcan (written Kulkulcan), is still retained among the 
Lacandones as the name of a mythical snake with many heads, 
living only in the vicinity of the home of Nohotiakyum. This 
snake is killed and eaten only at the time of great national peril, 
as during an eclipse of the moon and especially that of the sun. 

In a high cliff on the western shore of Lake Petha, there lives 
the god loananohqu, and on the opposite side of the lake the 
diety called Kakot&. The home of the former is the only one 
that has been located precisely. This is due to the fact that 
the abode of the god was visited in company with some Indians 
who went there to burn copal and offer sacrifices. The rite in 
connection with this will be described later (p. 148). 

1 Landa, 1804, Chap. XXXVIII, p. 230. 

- Thi.s word written according to the system adopted by the writer would be 
Tiit§akt§ob. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 97 

The god named Qaq (fire) lives near Tenosique. Among the 
early Mayas there Avas a goddess called Suhuikak (virgin fire). 
This god of the Lacandones may be connected with her, as new 
iire has to be made at certain points in the various rites (p. 133). 

Kananqas (caretaker of the forest) lives near the monteria of 
San Hipolito, a few leagues north of Petha. As his name im- 
plies, he seems to be the god of the forest. There is a class of 
spirits in Yucatan bearing the same name. They are the gods 
of the woods. What is found as the name of a single god 
among the Lacandones often appears as the name of a class of 
spirits among the ]\Iayas of the present time. This latter idea 
is perhaps the outgrowth of the Spanish influence to bring about 
a subordination of the Maya gods to the many saints of the 
Catholic Church. 

Mensabak ^ lives near San Hipolito. He is probably identi- 
fied as the god of rain, as has been explained (p. 71). He is 
also called Yumkanasabak.^ The latter name seems to be used 
when he is ajDpealed to in behalf of a sick person. Just as 
NohotSakyum has the spirits of the east to aid him, so Mensabak 
has for his helpers the spirits of the west (TSiqinqu). He has a 
brother called Oibani, of whom there is little known. 

Nohqu is a god living at Yaxchilan. The same name is found 
in combination in the name of the god loananohqu. They are 
probably two distinct gods however. Nohqu is a name given to 
a class of spirits among the Mayas who are the guardians of 
the 7nilpa. 

Qaiyum (singing god) is the god of music, and his hrasero is 
always in the form of an earthen drum (PI. XX, Fig. 2). He 
is said to live in the sky. 

Sakapuk is a god of unknown attributes. His name means 
a hill of white earth, which may denote the character of the 
locality near Anaite, where the god lives. 

1 The literal meaning of this word is men, the maker of, and sabak, black 
powder or soot. 

2 The literal meaning would be 3nini, the god ; kana, above ; sabak, the 
black powder. Freely it is the god who is above the rain cloud. 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 




Fig. 27. 
Tro-Cort. 104, b. 



There is a god of the bees.^ 

It seems as if there were separate ideas among the different 
settlements of the Lacandones regarding the residence of the 
gods other than the few most important ones. That each en- 
campment had its own special gods in addition to a few pos- 
sessed in common, seems probable. In a settlement visited on 
the Lacantun, Icananorku, Kakotg, 
Sukapuk, and Mensabak were not 
found, although their names were 
recognized. 

Besides the main deities, there 
are a large number of lesser gods 
or spirits whose duty it is to aid the 
gods in carrying out their work. 
Stabai is the name of a class of 
spirits living in the stones of the 
forest. The same group of spirits 
is also now found in Yucatan. They are of evil nature. A 
god called Tabai without the female particle S is mentioned as 
a deity of the Mayas at the time of the Conquest. This is but 
another example of the fact of the survival of the name of the 
god to the present time with a change of attributes. 

Tanupekqu (the spirit who is moving) is the god of the 
thunder. He announces the approach of the rain. As has 
been stated, he is one of the servants of Nohotsakyum. 

Tanuhaoqu (the spirit who is striking or whipping) is the god 
of the lightning. He drives the storm, and the flash of the 
lightning is his whip. 

The sun, Qin, is one of the lesser gods. His consort is the 
moon, called Akna. She has no relation to the other goddess 
bearing the same name. When there is an eclipse of the sun, 
it is said that Nohotsakyum is ill. Rites are held and offerings 
are made to the gods.^ Every one abstains from secular work 

1 Figure 27 shows a rite, probably an offering of corn (kan) in some form in 
honor of the bee god. In Codex Tro-Cortesianus, pp. 103-112, there is a long 
portion wliich has to do with the bees. 

2 The rite does not differ from those which will be described. See Chant Xo. 2. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 99 

of all kinds, and each family remains in their own home during 
the period of an eclipse. All kinds of animals may be freely 
eaten. An eclipse of the moon is a less serious event. It is 
regarded as a sign that the daughter of Nohotgakyum is ill. A 
rite (Chant No. 2) is celebrated as in the case of an eclipse of 
the sun. I was not successful in finding a god whose office 
seemed to deal with death, although it is certain that this god 
of death played a most important part among the early Mayas, 
as seen in his constantly occurring figure in the manuscripts. 
It is not impossible that some of the gods of the Lacandones 
may be identified with those represented in the Codices. 

The gods are all more or less well disposed toward the people 
with the exception of USukun. All have to be propitiated in 
various ways, however, or they are supposed to send fevers 
and other forms of sickness. 

All the gods named in the previous list are not usually rep- 
resented in any one encampment. Only those are found to 
whose shrine a pilgrimage has been made and a stone either 
carved or otherwise brought back.i These journeys cannot 
be made at will, but only after the god has shown himself as 
willing to receive such a pilgrimage. 

There are two methods of divination by which it may be 
ascertained whether or not a god is willing to have his idol 
placed in the sacred hut, thus showing his consent to come and 
exert a beneficent influence over the encampment in question. 
These acts of divination may only be performed by the father 
or oldest son of the settlement, and it is only they and their 
direct line who understand the rite. Chanting is a necessary 
part to this ceremony of divination. 

1 In the encampment where a greater part of the rites to be described took 
place there were braseros containing tlie idols of Yantho, Upal, Akna, 
Ipananohqu, Aqantgob, Nohqu, Kakots, Mensabak, Kananqas, Oibana, 
Usukum, and Qaiyum. In an another encampment visited, there were braseros 
with their hidden idols of Nohotsakyum, Yantho, Upal. loananohqu, Men- 
sabak, loana, Aqantsob, Akna, Qaq, Sakapuk, Usukun, and Qaiyum. All 
these, as will be described later (p. 101), did not take part in any one rite, but 
only those who showed themselves as willing to accept the offering of the 
special rite. 

LOFC 



100 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

One of these rites is performed with a strip from the leaf of 
a palm, and a part of the detached stem. The leaf is folded in 
the middle from side to side. Starting with the folded end, 
the leaf is rolled around the stem. The rite proper is then 
ready to begin. The stem and the leaf are rolled on the palm 
and fingers of the left hand, starting at the wrist with the 
fingers and palm of the right hand. The stem thus rolls in 
the same direction as the leaf is placed around it. The thumb 
and fingers of the left hand grasp the roll until the thumb and 
fingers of the right can start the motion again, with the stem 
and leaf at the wrist of the left hand. This motion is contin- 
ued with frequent spitting on the hands until the end of the 
chant (No. 3) in which the name of the god occurs concerning 
whom the divination is desired. The leaf is then unwound 
from around the stem. If the latter is still in the same posi- 
tion in regard to the folded end of the leaf, it is a sign that the 
god is unpropitious in regard to the question asked. If, how- 
ever, the stem is between or inside the folded end of the leaf 
rather than outside, the chanter knows that the petition is 
granted. It will be seen that, during the rolling between the 
palms, if one end of the leaf takes an extra turn around the 
stem or, as quite the same thing, one of the ends of the leaf 
unrolls by a single revolution, one of the halves of the leaf 
will be turned over, and, on unwinding, the stem will be found 
inside rather than outside the folded end as it was at first. ^ 

There is another method of divination quite distinct from the 
first, but employed for the same purpose. The hands are placed 
together palm to palm and the fingers bent so that the nail of 
each finger on one hand may rest on the very edge of the nail 
of the corresponding finger of the other hand. The thumbs are 
not brought into play. This is a diificult act, and for a novice 
it is almost impossible. During the chant, which is the same 
as in the former rite of divination, the hands are held in this 
position, with the finger nails edge to edge, until the chanter 

1 The pointed character of the ends of the leaf aids the untwisting or extra 
winding of one of the ends during the rolling motion between the palms. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 101 

reaches the name of the god for whom the inquiry is held. 
The pahns are then spread apart. If the nails still remain 
edge to edge, it is a sign that the god is willing to have his idol 
placed in the sacred inclosure. If one of the nails should slip 
over the edge of the other opposite, the omen is evil, and it is 
in this way that the god shows his unwillingness. 

Sometimes before the fingers are placed together nail to nail 
there is a preliminary movement. The thumb and forefinger 
of the left hand are placed together nail to nfiil at the hollow 
on the inside of the arm opposite the elbow. The forearm is 
then measured off in spaces of about two inches by the thumb 
and forefinger. At each measurement the nails of the two 
digits must join edge to edge. This is carried to the top of the 
thumb of the right hand, when the part previously described of 
joining each finger of one hand to the corresponding finger of 
the other is carried out. 

I have spoken of these acts of divination as if they were 
carried out principally to ascertain the willingness or unwilling- 
ness of a god to have a pilgrimage made to his shrine in search 
of an idol of the god in question. These journeys are made at 
very infrequent intervals, and they are becoming more and 
more rare. The principal use to which the divinatory rites are 
put is to ascertain if a god whose idol is already in the sacred 
hut is willing to exert his beneficent influence in some special 
rite. If the augury is of evil omen, the brasero, together with 
its idol, is not placed on the altar of palm leaves with those to 
whom the offerings are to be made, but it remains on the shelf 
where all the ollas rest when a rite is not in progress.^ 

1 In the encampment where most of the rites described were witnessed, three 
of the braseros with their idols remained on the shelf during all the rites 
observed, those of Akna, Kananqas, and Oibana. A year later, those of 
Kananqag and Oibana were still found remaining on the shelf during the rites, 
as they were not disposed to exert a good influence over the encampment as 
shown by the act of divination. There was a change however. Mensabak, who, 
the year before, had been placed on thejiltar with the others who were well dis- 
posed, now remained on the shelf ; and Akna, who, the previous year, had been 
kept on the shelf, was now used in all the rites. In the other encampment 
where the gods have been named, the idols and h-aseros of Qaq and Sakapuk 



102 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

The rites of divination are employed to the accompaniment 
of a different chant (No. 4) to ascertain the particular kind of 
offering desired by the gods in some special rite. In some 
encampments the gods as a whole enjoy one variety of offer- 
ing as shown by divination, and in a neighboring settlement an 
entirely different kind of offering is desired. The character of 
the offerings given to the gods is most varied.^ The gifts 
not only differ from place to place but from time to time. 
Each form of ceremony seems to have its special offering. 
The most common of all contributions is that of copal gum. 
This is either offered in crude lumps (pom) or worked into 
special forms (sil) (p. 125). The copal is burned as incense, 
and a pleasant odor is produced. 

Another form of incense is made by burning the sap of the 
rubber tree. This is often combined with the copal as a gift to 
the gods, qiqiluka. 

An intoxicating drink, baltse, and called in the chants ha, is 
another frequent offering together with different kinds of posol 
(maao). In the chants posol is called tsula or sul. There are 
many combinations of food and drink offered to the incense- 
burners in behalf of the gods, and in some cases the quantity is 
brought into account. Posol made with honey has the name 
kabitumaaoil ; posol with cocoa, ominuka. Offerings of baltse in 
different quantities are called napdil (something measured with 
the fingers) and wiobil (something snapped with the fingers). 
The name eroe is given to an offering of a small gourd of baltSe. 
An offering of thin and brown tortillas is called tikinawa, a form 
of tortillas made with wood yatsewa, and a tortilla made in the 
form of a cup lekuwahil. Norwa or tutiwa is a gift of thick 
tortillas to the gods. Buliwa is a tamale made oi frejoles (buul) 

seldom showed themselves as willing to be placed on the altar with the others in 
the celebration of a rite. These ollas remaining on the shelf were not entirely 
neglected. There were offerings made to them of food and drink, but copal was 
never burned in them nor was there any continued chanting made before them. 
^ Space does not allow me to enter upon a discussion of the identification of 
several of the kinds of offerings represented in the Codices, but this in itself 
would be a fruitful study. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 103 

and corn. Cocoa mixed with baltse is called uyonin. There 
are two offerings in which meat figures, baqiluka and ututil. 
Bands of bark are offered as fillets to the gods. They are 
called huun. A gift of these fillets together with baltse is called 
huuninuka. The bow and arrows are given to the gods at cer- 
tain rites. An offering of red paint made of achiote berries 
(kusu) is common. In some of the ceremonies, flowers are 
presented to the braseros in behalf of the gods. Offerings of 
certain kinds of fish (tsaklau and sSktan) are made in some of 
the rites. In addition to these offerings, a part of all the first 
fruits of the fields must be given to the gods each year. 

I have not been able to make out the strict rule regarding 
the possession of a separate set of these idols and braseros. At 
first one might suppose that each totemic division worships at a 
single place where there is located a collection of idols more or 
less complete. This is not so except where members of the 
same gens live in the same encampment. 

In the two encampments of the maao gens, where most of the 
rites described were observed, the two sets of sacred ollas 
together with their idols originally belonged to the same 
encampment. It will be seen (p. 99, note) that there is only 
one idol of Nohotiakyum in the two encampments, whereas both 
"settlements possess idols of many of the other gods. The du- 
plicate set was obtained in more recent pilgrimages. The 
idol of Nohot§akyum originally belonged to the father of the 
three brothers Qin, Chankin, and the one who had died (p. 43). 
By inheritance and pilgrimage, the father had come into the 
possession of the idols of a greater part of the gods. On his 
death they were divided among his three sons, the eldest 
obtaining the idol of Nohotsakyum and the brasero used at the 
time in connection with it, together with his share of the other 
idols with their incense-burners. The two younger sons took 
their part of the idols and the corresponding braseros, and made 
a new encampment for themselves not far away. These two 
collections of idols were gradually enlarged by pilgrimages to 
the home of the gods until each encampment contained those 



104 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

of the main gods, with the exception of that of NohotSakyum, 
of whom there was but one idol in the two settlements. This 
seems to show that there is some rule in regard to the posses- 
sion of but one idol of the main god in a single family line. 

Priestly Duties. — Landa makes reference ^ to a priestly class 
which shows a well-defined system of organization : Chilan, or 
priests ; Chac, sorcerers and physicians ; and Nacons, assistants. 
It is to the first of these classes that one would naturally 
turn to find explanations of the questions which we would like 
answered concerning the system of hieroglyphs and that of the 
calendar together with the closely allied subject of the religion 
and the ceremonial rites. This class seems to have vanished 
completely, and we have remaining in isolated districts only 
the gente rustica. In Yucatan one finds a class of men who 
claim to know how to read the future through a crystal or 
by some other means (p. 163). These people bear the title 
Men, from the root of the verb meaning "to know how."^ 
They are generally an ignorant and unintelligent class of 
people. They may be the descendants in office of the class 
of priests formerly called Chac, as they combine the power of 
healing with that of forecasting the future. 

One is not surprised to find that the Lacandones of the 
present time seem to have no priests. The religion has ceased 
to be in any way national, and the function of priest is carried 
out by the head of the family in each encampment as in the 
most primitive form of human society. In one case the leader of 
the settlement, in taking charge of a rite, placed around his neck 
a string of seeds like those worn by the women. This may 
have had some ceremonial importance as showing his priestly 
function. The rigid authority of the father and husband over 
the members of the family is perhaps the outcome of the place 
he holds in the religious life. Visitors at ceremonial rites, how- 
ever old they may be, are allowed only to assist the head of the 
family in the duties of the feast. The women and children of 
an encampment, together with the families of the near neigh- 

1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII. 2 cf. Garcia, 1905, pp. 52-57. 



BELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 105 

bors, remain in the domestic huts while the husbands and older 
boys are inside the sacred inclosure taking their parts in the 
rites. 

Ceremonies. — There are no ceremonies where the women 
take any active part other than in the preparation of the 
offerings in the shelter adjoining the sacred hut.^ At the 
close of a rite they are allowed to enter the inclosure and take 
a part in the general feasting. This exclusion of the women 
from any share in the religious life is a question of sex rather 
than of any family connection. 

All the ceremonies of the Lacandones follow the same 
general idea, that of burning incense in behalf of the gods in 
the braseros and offering food and drink on the extended lip of 
the face on the incense-bowl. The rites vary only in regard 
to the nature, of the articles offered. Sacrifices are always 
accompanied by chants or prayers which cover the whole 
variety of human experience met with by an Indian from 
his birth to his death. The ceremonies to be taken up do not 
cover this whole field, but they may be taken as sufficient 
criteria by which to judge of the nature of the others. 

The rites described occurred in the two neighboring encamp- 
ments, the people of whom I have already mentioned. The 
carihals, as the settlements are called by the Mexicans of the 
country, are situated one league and a half east of Lake Petha 
in Chiapas, near the trail running from Tenosique and La 
Ilusion to Ocosingo. The people are the same individuals 
whom Mr. Maler describes as living on the shore of Lake 
Petha.2 

I shall take up in detail the ceremony in which the sacred 
ollas or braseros are renewed. There are many minor rites 

1 Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. XII, Chap. VII, p. 609: " Todos los Indies van 
siempre a la adoracion de el Idolo ; las mugeres no se hallan presentes, sino 
sola la doncella, que haze el pan a los Ministros de el demonio." 

Cf. also Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 278: "Venido pues el afio nuevo, se 
juntavan todos los varones en el patio del teniplo solos, porque en nlngun 
sacrificio o fiesta que en el templo se hazia, havian de hallarse mugeres." 

2 Maler, 1901-1903, Chap. V. 



106 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

which will be touched upon, but they are all similar to some 
part of the renewal ceremony. ^ 

Theoretically, there must be a renewal of the incense-burners 
each year. In practice, however, it does not always take place, 
owing to the great amount of work necessary in carrying out 
such a rite and the large quantity of corn consumed in the 
repeated offerings to the gods. To keep within the letter of 
the law, there is always at least one incense-burner made each 
year, and if the season has been a fruitful one, and there is an 
abundance of corn, the whole ceremony is celebrated. 

Regarding this renovation of the incense-vessels, there is a 
very pleasing parallel found in Landa.^ In the month Chen or 
Yax, which roughly corresponds, according to the author, to our 
December or January, a festival called Ocna was celebrated in 
honor of the Chacs, whom the people regarded as the lords of 
the field.3 

The whole ceremony as observed among the Lacandones 
stretches over considerably more than a month. In the two 
celebrations of this series of rites witnessed, they began about 
the middle of February and lasted until nearly the end of 
March. I could find in the dates of the various parts of the 
ceremony no correlation to the phases of the moon or of any 
constellation, although it seems as if something of this sort 
must, at one time, have been the regulating factor. The time of 
observing the rite depends in great part on the ripening of the 
products of the milpa. It is in these rites that all the first fruits 
of the field must be offered to the gods before anything may 
be eaten by the people. The work of making the new milpa 
is usually postponed until the renewal ceremony is completed. 

1 The word " ceremony " will be used as signifying a succession of rites held 
for a single purpose. 

2 Landa, 186-4, Chap. XL, p. 242. (See quotation in note, p. 84.) Ibid., 
Chap. XL, p. 278 : " Para celebrarla con mas solemnidad, renovavan en este dia 
todas las cosas de su servicio, como platos, vasos, vanquillos, serillas, y la ropa 
vieja, y las mantillas en que tenian los idolos enbueltos." 

3 The word tsak (chac) is seen in the name of the main god in the 
pantheon, Noho(ts)-tSak-yuin, and also in the name of the rain gods found 
among the Mayas of Yucatan, Nukuts-yum-t§ak-ob (p. 155). 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 107 

The general idea in this series of rites for the renewal of 
the sacred ollas is that these braseros die and new ones must be 
made to take their places.^ 

Before the rite can take place where the braseros of the 
previous year are given their last offering and the sacred idol 
removed, the new ollas must be made together with a large 
earthen drum and a large number of braseritos. The latter 
are supposed to aid in the general ceremony as additional 
servants of the gods. 

Each of this smaller class of ollas belongs to a certain one of 
the idols contained in the larger incense-vessels. Although 
these braseritos are all very much alike as regards shape and 
decoration, they can be distinguished by their owners each from 
the other, and the leader knows to which one of the main gods 
each belongs. As an offering is administered to each of these 
braseritos^ the chant denotes in what way the gift is to be dis- 
posed of. Some of the braseritos are given directly to the gods 
represented by the larger incense-burners, who act as the agents 
of the idol contained in their bowls, and others of the braseritos 
are given to the gods to serve as messengers to carry the 
offering to Nohotsakyum, 

In one encampment where the renewal rites were observed 
there were thirty-two of the common form of braserito. Four 
were given to Aqantsob for his own use, two to Mensabak, two to 
Nohqu, two to Yantho, two to Upal, and four to loananohqu and 
Kakotg, and all for their individual use (atllili).2 Four others 
were given to loananohqu for him to carry to Nohotgakyum 
(akubtik yum).^ KakotS was given, in addition to those for 
his own use as servants, four to aid him in carrying the offering 
to the main god and another four to help in taking the sacrifice 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 158: " Bien sabian ellos que los idolos 
eran obras suyas y muertas y sin deidad, mas que los teiiian en reverencia por lo 
que representavan, y porque les avian heclio con tantas cerinionias, en especial 
los de pale." 

2 Atilili, for yourself or for you as your right. It occurs in the chants. 

3 Akubtik-yum, you restore it (the offering) to the father. The idea is that 
he originally gave it. 



108 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

to AqantSob. The relative importance of the gods in this en- 
campment as regards their willingness to cure may be made 
out from the respective number of braseritos given to each god. 
AqantSob seems to be the most well disposed of the gods repre- 
sented in the settlement, and loananohqu and KakotS, although 
having four of the braseritos as their own, still must play the 
role of messengers, and they each have four of the small oUas 
given them, with the express command to restore (kub) the offer- 
ing to NohotSakyum, and, as was seen, KakotS has, in addition, 
four others to carry to Aqant§ob. The prominence given to the 
latter god is probably due to the fact that in the rite of divina- 
tion the name of this god has always appeared as a good omen 
or that some one has been cured under the direction of this god. 
In the manufacture of the two kinds of incense-burners, the 
braseros and the braseritos, certain definite restrictions are made. 
A small shelter of palm leaves must first of all be built in a 
retired spot at some distance from the regular encampment, ^ 
Here a quantity of clay and quartz sand are brought together 
and the work of modeling the sacred alias begun. The very 
greatest secrecy is observed, and the women are on no account 
allowed to approach the shelter where the new incense-burners 
are being made. The modeler places a mass of clay on a 
portion of a banana leaf, which in turn rests on a low wooden 
stool. The bowl of the brasero is made first, chiefl}^ by means 
of the fingers. A small paddle of wood is used to smooth down 
the surfaces.^ On the edge of the bowl, a flat piece of wet clay 
is placed as the foundation for the head. The nose, hair, eyes, 
and mouth are made and stuck on afterward. Through the 
center of the bottom of the bowl a single hole is made, and at 



^ Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 308: " Venida la madera hazian una casilla de 
paja cercada donde metian la madera y una tinaja para en que echar los idolos y 
alii tenerlos atapados conio los fuessen haziendo . . . y con estos adere^os se 
encerravan en la casilla el sacerdote y los chaces y el ofiBcial, y comen^avan su 
labor de dioses." 

2 Figure 28 may show the shaping by means of a wooden paddle, although it 
seems more likely that the implement in the hands of the workman is of stone, 
and in that case the carving of a stone idol is probably represented. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 



109 



both sides similar holes, one above the other, for ventilation. 
The oUas are allowed to dry several days, when they are baked 
for a few hours in a bed of hot coals. ^ After the baking, the 





Fig. 28. 
Tro-Cort. 97, b. 



Fig. 29. 
Tro-Cort. 100, b. 



bowls are ready to be decorated as has been described (p. 69). ^ 
The white paint is made of chalk, and put on over all the surface 
of the olla. The red color, made from the achiote berry, and 
the black, of the soot collected from the burning eopal^ are put 
on with a brush composed of a stick, on the end of which* some 
cotton is wound. 

At the first of these renewal ceremonies witnessed, there were 
twenty-six ollas made, all identical in form with one exception. 





Fig. 30. 
Tro-Cort. 99, d. 



Fig. 31. 
Tro-Cort. 101, b. 



Eight were of the larger size, and were to contain the stone 
idols of the gods, the other eighteen were smaller and were 

1 According to Forstemann (1902, p. 138), Fig. 29 shows a clay idol being 
baked in an oven. The head is the same as that in Figs. 25 and 28, and is 
similar to god C, of Schellhas (1904, p. 19). 

- Figures 30 and 31 may show the painting of the incense-bowls with the end 
of a leaf. Figure 31 shows the same form of head. 



110 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 




Fig. 32. 
Handled incense-burner of the Lacandones. 



made to contain no idols. Of this number of smaller ollas^ one 
differed from all the others in form (Fig. 32 and PL XX, 
Fig. 1). Below the head on the edge of the bowl there 
stretched a round projection of the same material as the bowl, 
about six inches long and an inch in diameter. The end was 
flattened and represented a hand. This olla may be described 

as a form of incense-bowl with 
a handle. This shape is met 
with, but without the head, in 
the remains of the older cul- 
ture. In the Peabody Muse- 
um there are several clay arms 
with closed hands which might 
well have served as handles to 
incense-burners in the same 
way as the arm and hand represented by this olla of the Lacan- 
dones.^ The handled incense-burner with the head on the side 
of the bowl, however, has not been met with as far as I know 
among other than the Lacandones. The ends of most of the 
ancient handled incense-burners represent the mouth of an 
animal, usually that of a serpent. It may be that the offerings 
of food were placed in the mouth of these animal heads on the 
ends of the handles, as we find at the present time the food 
placed in the mouth of the common form of brasero without a 
handle. But on the handled incense-burners of the Lacan- 
dones, it is on the outstretched hand rather than on the mouth 
of the brasero that the offerings of food and drink are placed. 
This handled olla is called Akna, the mother. It never appears 
except at this ceremony, when the new braseros are installed. 
The name of the renewal rite as given by Landa^ is Ocna. 
These two terms are undoubtedly the same; and the name of 
the whole rite may take its name from that of the idol with the 
projecting arm, as this is regarded as the ceremonial mother of 
the new ollas. She seems to have no relation to the other and 



Cf. PI. XIX, Fig. 3. 



2 Landa, 1864, Chap. X, p. 242. 



RELIGION OF TEE LACANDONES 111 

more important goddess who bears the same name. The latter 
is the mother of many of the main gods, whereas the former is the 
ceremonial mother of the hraseros themselves. This olla with 
the projecting arm plays an unimportant part in the several rites. 

In a later ceremony witnessed at another encampment from 
that just described, there were forty ollas (Fig. 33, p. 112), 
only seven of which were of the larger variety. The others 
were braseritos, and all of the same form with the exception of 
the ceremonial mother, whose olla has just been described. In 
addition to the sacred ollas there is also made in preparation 
for the renewal ceremony a ceremonial drum to take the place 
of that used during the previous year. Sometimes two drums 
are made at this time. These as well as the hraseros are sup- 
posed to die each year. 

The drum is composed of a clay jar (PI. XX, Fig. 2) about 
twenty inches high. Over tlie top of the jar is stretched a 
piece of the hide of the tepeizquinte for a head. The whole 
drum is painted white. On one side near the top there is a 
head similar in all respects to that found on all the sacred 
ollas. This head, as it has been explained, represents one of 
the lesser gods called Qaiyum. 

The modeling, baking, and painting of all the ollas occupies 
at least four weeks, and it is carried on, as has been stated, with 
the utmost secrecy, away from all except the men of the immedi- 
ate family who are to celebrate the feast. These men, during 
this period of preparation, as well as throughout the entire rite, 
sleep in the ceremonial hut where the old idols are kept. 

At this time of preparation a new ceremonial robe is started 
(PI. XV, Fig. 1). The cotton must be spun and woven by 
an old woman of the tribe, and a widow.^ All the work has to 
be done in the sacred inclosure. This robe is for the leader 
of the ceremony. 

I have already spoken of the exterior of the sacred hut 
(p. 64). A description of the interior would be of assistance 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVI, p. 222 : " . . . Les mandava el demonio 
ofrecerle hardillas y un paramento sin labores ; el qual texessen las viejas.*' 



112 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 



QOO " 
OOOO 



®0© 



o 







^ 






K? [B <y 



C 



3 



O' 

Fig. 33. 
Flan of sacred inclosure of the Lacandones. 



o 



r\ 



r\ 



U 



a, row of braseros. 

b, rows of braseritos. 

c, row of baltse. 

d, row of buliwa. 

e, olla with arm. 
/, board of copal. 
g,jicuras to be filled. 
/(, jar for baltse. 

j, seat of leader. 
A;, seats of others. 
I, drum, Qaiyum. 
m, shelf for alias, 
n, dead braseros. 
o, log of water. 
p, log for sugar cane. 



q, log for baltse. 
r, offering for Usukun. 
s, ceremonial fire. 
t, cover to make soot. 

1, brasero of Kakots. 

2, brasero of Nohqu. 

3, brasero of Yantho. 

4, brasero of Aqantsob. 

5, brasero of loananotaqu. 

6, brasero of Akna. 

7, brasero of Upal. 

8, brasero of Mensabak. 

9, brasero of Kananqas. 

10, brasero of Dibana. 

11, brasero of Usukun. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 113 

to a better understanding of the rites as they progress. ^ I 
shall speak of it as it appears during the progress of the re- 
newal ceremony after the new braseros have replaced those of 
the previous year, and the braseritos are arranged in front 
of the latter. There is, in addition, an offering of baltse before 
the braseritos (Fig. 33). 

When a ceremony is not being observed, the incense-burners 
rest on a hanging shelf (m, Fig. 33), in the middle of the 
western side of the sacred hut.^ They are arranged in one or 
two rows, with their heads always facing the east. 

A carpet of palm leaves covers the ground on the western 
side of the hermita directly in front of the hanging shelf. 
During the celebration of a rite, the sacred ollas are arranged 
in a row along the carpet of leaves stretching north and south 
(a, Fig. 33, also PI. XX, Fig. 1). The layer of green on which 
the braseros rest together with the offerings made to them, I 
shall hereafter call the altar. ^ The heads on all the braseros 
face the east, which is the one point toward which everything 
and everybody in the sacred inclosure turn when the impor- 
tant parts of the rites are being carried out. It must not be 
supposed, however, that the other points of the compass are 
neglected. When the leader blows his shell trumpet to call 
the gods to come and partake of the offering, he often turns 
to the other points as well as to the east. 

Directly in front of the line of the main ollas or braseros in 
the interior of the hut are the braseritos (J, J, b, Fig. 33). 

1 I have thought it best to describe in detail the interior of one of these 
hermita. The arrangement was essentially the same in all those visited, so that 
the description may be taken as a general statement. 

2 Sapper (1891, p. 893) describes the interior of the sacred hut of a Lacan- 
done settlement vphich he visited on the Rio de la Pasion : "... Sah ich die 
zahlreichen thonernen, mit einer vorstehenden gesichtsmaske geschmiickten 
Opferschalen, welche, mit Kopal und Wachs gefiiiit, auf einigen Hangebrettern 
auf der westseite des gebandes standen ; davon befand sich ein niedriger Tisch, 
auf welchem Wachskerzen abgebrannt worden zu sein schienen. Eigentliche 
Gotzenbilder habe ich nicht bemerkt, sofern nicht etwa die Gesichtsmasken der 
Opferschalen dafiir angesprochen werden miissen." 

3 In one settlement the incense-burners during the celebration of a rite were 
placed upon a low table instead of on a carpet of palm leaves on the ground. 



114 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

The faces on these also point toward the east. They are em- 
ployed each year only in this ceremony of the renewal of the 
incense-burners of the gods, after which they are deposited 
under a cliff near Lake Petha. 

In addition to the ollas of the main gods and the smaller 
ollas of the servants of the gods, there are usually other in- 
cense-bowls included in the collection possessed by the settle- 
ment. They are not arranged on the altar of leaves, but 
remain on the suspended shelf when the others are taken down 
for the celebration of a rite (8, 9, 10, Fig. 33). These ollas, as 
it has been explained, belong to the gods who are not well 
disposed at this special rite toward the people of the encamp- 
ment. They do not for this reason find a place with the others 
on the altar. They cannot be entirely neglected, however, and 
at intervals they are given offerings of food and drink. 

At the northwest corner of the hut, the ceremonial drum is 
situated (Z, Fig. 33, also PL XX, Fig. 2). The head on the 
drum faces the east. 

A short distance in front of the altar and near the eastern 
side of the hut is a jar (j. Fig. 33, also PL XXIV, Fig. 2) 
containing the ceremonial drink. From this the gourds are 
filled which later are placed in front of the lines of sacred ollas. 
The jar often has a small head on one side, much smaller and 
more insignificant than those on the drums or incense-burners. 
The head faces the altar rather than the east.i 

In front of the jar to the west a carpet of palm leaves is 
spread. On this the gourds rest when being filled with the 
baltse contained in the jar (^, Fig. 33). 

Directly behind the jar and grouped on either side are 
several short-legged wooden stools ^ (j, Jc, k, k, k, Fig. 33). 
The one behind the jar (j) and facing the ollas is occupied 

1 A circle painted in red is sometimes found in place of the clay head on the 
jar. This is the case on the jar shown in the figures. It may be that the design 
on the upper jar (Fig. 25, p. 88) and a similar one near the top of the jar 
(Fig. 46, p. 139) are conventionalized representations of this head. 

2 Cf. Sapper, 1897, p. 262 : " Am Pet Ha beobachtete ich zudem niedrige Stuhl- 
chen mit vier Fiissen." 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 115 

during the ceremony by the leader or giver of the feast. The 
other seats are used by the participants in the rite. The 
assistant of the leader sits at his right. 

At the southwest corner of the hut, the old incense-burners 
of the previous year, which are supposed to be dead, are grouped 
on the ground (w, Fig. 33). The heads face the west rather 
than the east, and each bowl contains a shell of the cocoa bean 
turned bottom up and covering the head on the edge of the 
bowl. These shells are used in giving the sacred ollas a last 
oblation before they are carried away and deposited under a cliff. 

The ceremonial rattle (Fig. 19, p. 75) hangs from the roof 
at the northern side of the suspended shelf, as well as the reed 
oboe. The cover used to collect the soot from the burning 
copal for making the black paint also finds a place in the 
ceremonial hut, together with gourds and bark boxes in great 
numbers which hold the stores and various supplies employed 
in the different rites. Everything to be used in any way in the 
ceremonies has to be kept in the hermita. The bows and 
arrows and the flint points seem also to be made in this house, 
and here they are always kept. 

A large number of the lower jaws of several kinds of animals, 
especially of the deer, the monkey, and the wild boar, were ob- 
served sticking into the inside of the thatched roof. These no 
doubt serve as reminders, possibly as counts, of sacrifices of 
meat made to the idols. ^ 

Hollow logs containing hives of bees are often found in one 
corner of the sacred hut. 

In the general neatness of this sacred building there is a great 
contrast to the usual appearance of the interior of the domestic 
huts. 

In front of the house to the east are two logs (j9, q. Fig. 33) 
about eighteen inches in diameter, lying on the ground. They 
are hollowed out for the greater part of their length (PI. XXII, 
Fig. 3) and the hole inside covered over with the exception of 

1 Sapper (1891, p. 893) notes the presence of the lower jaws in the hermita which 
he visited, together with bird feathers doubtless serving a similar purpose. 



116 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

a small opening near the end. Small sticks are laid crosswise 
at intervals over the opening, and on these palm leaves are placed. 
These logs serve as reservoirs for the ceremonial drink. It is 
in these receptacles that it is mixed and allowed to ferment.^ 
Just below the opening left in the top, where the liquid is 
dipped out, there are two circles in red. These correspond to 
the pair of circles on the two posts and beams at the western 
side of the hut, on either side of the hanging shelf. These, 
as has been stated, are probably the same in signification as 
the bands of bark fiber colored red and tied around the fore- 
heads of the partici^Jants in certain of the rites. 

A short distance to the east of the sacred hut and in front of 
one of the hollow logs is a single incense-burner facing the 
east (11, Fig. 33). This belongs to the god Usukun and con- 
tains his idol. His influence is not wholly for the good, and 
his idol is not allowed to form one of the collection inside the 
hermita. 

To the north of the hut is another log (o. Fig. 33). This con- 
tains water, and it is here that the leader and his assistants al- 
ways wash their hands both on entering and leaving the sacred 
inclosure for any secular duties outside. 

A screen of palm leaves often surrounds the sacred hut to- 
gether with the three logs and the olla under the tree. 

With every sacrifice made to the idols there are usually three 
stages. The article is brought in and "placed" before the idols, 
or, as it is expressed in the chants, "restored" to them. This 
act is sometimes carried out without chanting. The gift is then 
" offered " to the braseros and their idols as a sacrifice, and the 
gods are asked to come in person and partake of the offering. 
Finally the food and drink are " administered " to the heads on 
the incense-burners in behalf of the god. Posol and baltse 
are placed on the mouths of the figures on the side of the bowls 
with a spoon and on the end of a roll of palm leaves respectively, 
whereas an offering of meat or buliwa is placed on the lip of 

1 In one encampment the logs were lacking, and the baltse was made in large 
earthen vessels. 



BELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 117 

the hrasero with the fingers. This offering and administration 
of food and drink are always accompanied by chanting. 

The chants generally describe the acts being performed to 
their accompaniment, in addition to offering up prayers for 
health and freedom from pain and death. There is consider- 
able rhythm to the chants of the Lacandones. Syllables are 
elided, lengthened, and slurred. On this account, it is often 
difficult to identify the sounds as having any meaning. The 
voice is pitched high and is often tremolo. The chants do not 
seem to be fixed and unchangeable, as one finds among many 
Indian tribes. They are, instead, very elastic. With the ex- 
ception of certain fixed phrases, they can be lengthened or 
shortened and made to fit the nature of the case in behalf of 
which they are offered. Sometimes the god whose brasero and 
idol is being addressed is named in the prayer, at other times 
the simple title Yum is given him. The general order of 
chant begins with an explanation of what is being done and 
the name of the god to whom the sacrifice is being offered, 
with a petition for the spirit of the brasero to carry the gift to 
the god represented by the idol inside the bowl and to whom 
the spirit belongs as a servant. The chants usually end with 
the name of the person or persons in behalf of whom the offer- 
ing is made. If the rite is short in that there are not many 
gods to whom offerings are to be made, a prayer for protection 
against fever and the bites of snakes and tigers is often added. 
Thus, it will be seen that, almost at will, the leader may arrange 
his chant, keeping, however, to certain forms of speech. 

Renewal rite. — I shall now take up a detailed description of 
the rites held in celebrating the ceremony of the renewal of 
the sacred oUas. Some days before a beginning is made in 
making the new incense-burners, the old braseros are taken 
down from the shelf for the final time and placed on the altar 
of palm leaves. For the next six weeks, or during the time 
when the ollas are being made, there is a daily offering of 
posol made to the old braseros who are about to die and be 
superseded by the new ones. 



118 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

This daily gift of posol is varied at intervals by a more elab- 
orate rite. These rites are kept up until the new hraseros are 
molded, baked, and painted, when they are brought to the 
sacred hut; and the stone idols, concealed in each case under the 
copal ash of the old ollas, are removed and placed in the bowls 
of the new hraseros. During certain portions of this time the 
men do not wash, and they live separated from their families.^ 

From the beginning of the renewal ceremony to the end, the 
men of the encampment sleep in the sacred hut as a protection 
to the hraseros^ which remain on the altar of palm leaves from 
the time when these daily offerings of posol are made, mark- 
ing the beginning of the decline and death of the old hraseros^ 
until the subsequent installation of the new ollas. 

The daily offering of posol is a simple rite, usually taking 
about two hours. This takes place generally in the morning, 
after which the men return to the secret shelter, where the work 
of manufacturing the new ollas is carried on. Each night the 
women of the encampment are kept busy grinding the corn for 
the offering of posol for the following day. This is carried on 
in the small shelter to the west of the sacred hut and in which 
all the food offered to the gods in the different rites is prepared. 
In the morning the ground corn is mixed with water in a large 
earthen bowl holding several gallons. 

The first act in this daily rite is placing rough lumps of copal 
gum inside the bowls of the incense-burners. This is done by 
the leader of the rite, usually the head of the encampment. 
These pieces of incense are not in the form of nodules and 
arranged on a board as will be seen in a later rite ( PI. XXIV, 
Fig. 3), but simply masses of the gum taken from a large supply 
contained in a shallow gourd. The men present all turn their 
backs as this preparatory act is being performed. The women 
do not enter the sacred inclosure until the very end, when the 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXVII, p. 156 : " Y abstenianse de sus mugeres para 
la celebracion de todas sus fiestas. • • • Y en algunas ayunos de sus fiestas no 
comian came ni conocian sus mugeres." 

Also cf. ibid., Chap. XL, p, 278 : "Para esta fiesta • • • y abstenerse de sus 
mugeres." 



( 



RELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 119 

general feast begins. As in all the other offerings, the hraseros 
of the main gods and especially that of Nohotsakyum, if one is 
possessed by the encampment, receive a larger supply of copal 
than the ollas of the less important gods. The hrasero of 
Usixkun at the east of the sacred hut is not neglected at this 
distribution of copal. 

As has been noted, during the time of these last rites to the 
old hraseros the men of the encampment are engaged in the 
work of making new incense-burners. A chant is made (No. 5) 
at the distribution of copal which describes the work in progress 
in making the new ollas. 

The leader then leaves the inclosure and goes to the neigh- 
boring shelter, where he receives at the hands of his wife, two 
at a time, jicaras or gourds filled with posol.^ Great care is 
taken to have the outside of the vessel free from all traces of 
the liquid. Many of the jicaras are decorated with incised 
drawings (Figs. 4-15, and PI. XXI, Fig 1). The leader brings 
in the gourds two by two and places them in front of the row 
of hraseros on the carpet of green leaves (PI. XX, Fig. 3). To 
prevent them from falling over, they rest on rings woven of a 
pliable vine. The hrasero of Usukun in front of the sacred hut 
has a single jicara of the posol deposited before it. The chant 
(No. 6) does not differ greatly from that used when the copal is 
distributed. The beginning, however, is quite different. As 
the leader stands before the line of hraseros with a gourd of the 
liquid in each hand, he begins a low droning sound which 
increases in intensit}^ until he has stooped down and placed the 
jicara before the olla to which it belongs when the regular 
chant begins. 

At the completion of the depositing of the posol, the leader 
goes to the eastward of the hut and blows five long blasts on 
the conch shell, thus calling the gods to come in person. 

With a long-handled spoon (huyup), the bowl of which is 

1 The number of jicaras offered varies. In the daily rites there are usually 
three given to each of the braseros, one in behalf of the children, one in behalf 
of the wife, and one in behalf of the man himself. 



120 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

not more than an inch in diameter, the giver of the feast 
administers to the head on each of the braseros a small particle 
from each of the gourds oiposol hy placing it upon the mouth 
of each one. This act thus consecrates the entire contents of 
each jicara to the use of all the gods represented by the braseros 
by giving a part for the whole. It is quite as necessary, 
however, that, at the end of the rite, the entire contents of 
the gourds shall be consumed by the leader and his assist- 
ants. 

During the feeding of the braseros, the chant (No. 7) is 
repeated as many times as is necessary until all have been 
given the offering. The incense-burner of Usukun is given 
posol in the same way. The chant (No. 8) is shorter than that 
used before the other gods. 

The leader, standing at the east of the sacred hut and facing 
the east in the direction of the home of Nohot§akyum, spatters 
a small particle of the posol from the end of the spoon into the 
air. He utters a short prayer (No. 9) as he does this. 

It is at this time in the rite that the braseros whose owners 
are not well disposed at the time are given an offering of the 
posol contained in the jicaras. These incense-burners, as it 
has been explained, remain on the suspended shelf. The chant 
is unimportant (No. 10). The leader also places a particle of 
the posol on the head of the ceremonial drum, uttering a 
prayer (No. 11) which simply explains his action. 

The conch shell is then blown a second time as after the 
depositing of the posol. To each man present the leader next 
gives two palm leaves and to each youth a single leaf. In 
some of the rites these leaves are preserved for future use. 
In such a case they are folded together and tied with small 
shreds of the leaf (PL XXI, Fig.l). Usually, however, they 
are for immediate use. 

In the daily act of offering posol a ceremonial fire is not made. 
The ordinary fire, always burning in the sacred hut, is used to 
kindle two pine sticks, which in turn are employed to ignite the 
copal placed inside each of the braseros. There is no chanting 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 



121 



during this act. A fire sending out dense clouds of black 
smoke is soon burning in each olla. 

After the copal is all kindled, the leader asks every one an 
implied question (No. 12) requesting permission to continue. 
He then takes his place, together with his son, at the western 
side of the line of blazing braseros. The other participants in 
the rite also gather round and all begin their individual 
chanting (No. 13), waving at the same time the leaves^ in the 
smoke of the burning copal. Every one 
seems to repeat the same chant, but it is 
not done in unison. The result is quite 
unintelligible and confusing. The same 
words are repeated over each of the gods 
represented by the idols in the braseros. 
There is no seeming order in the chant- 
ing. At intervals the men rub the palm 
leaves over their own shoulders. The 
copal in the brasero under the tree at the 
east of the hut is also lighted, and each 
person goes there for a moment and 
waves his leaves in the smoke. The 
chanting does not cease until the fires have begun to die out 
in the ollas. 

Every man then leaves the inclosure and goes to the domes- 
tic hut where the women and children are gathered. Each 
father sits down behind his family, chants, and taps each one 
with the palm leaves (PL XXI, Fig. 2). These are the 
medium by which the efficient and healing power of the gods 
as revealed in the smoke of the incense is carried to those 
who need it. If any special part of the body is afflicted, it is 
tapped and rubbed at greater length with the leaves. There 
seems to be much liberty used in the chant given at the same 
time (NcJ.ll). It varies according to the circumstances and 
condition of the person in whose behalf it is uttered. 




Fig. 34. 
Tro-Coit. 56, 



1 Figure 34 may show a iigure carrying a bundle of these leaves. 



122 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

At the completion of this general rite over the members of 
the family, the men return to the inclosure, and a second admin- 
istration of posol is made to the hraseros by the leader. 

The daily act of offering posol is sometimes varied at this 
point. When the men return after having chanted with the 
leaves before the members of the family, the leader sometimes 
brings in from the adjoining shelter two jicaras of a preparation 
made of cocoa berries and beaten into a froth. He distributes 
the contents of the two gourds among the jicaras resting in front 
of the hraseros and containing joosoZ. This is all done in silence. 
Instead of the posol as in the shorter rite, this cocoa, which re- 
mains floating on the top of the latter, is administered with the 
long spoon to the heads on the hraseros in behalf of the idols 
inside the bowl. 

Low wooden stools are arranged in a semicircle along the 
eastern side of the hut (^, Fig. 33) and the men occupy them 
at this time, all facing the east. The leader gives each man a 
single jicara of posol, or of the posol mixed with cocoa, saying 
a few words as he does this (No. 15). 

It is the duty of every one to answer, Bai, yes. The assistant 
then gives a similar gourd to the giver of the feast, who sits in 
the middle (/, Fig. 33), and he is addressed with the same for- 
mula as he, in his turn, had addressed to the others. 

Each man offers the contents of his jicara in the first place to 
the gods living in the four cardinal points by spattering a small 
portion from the end of his spoon and chanting (No. 16). 

As has been stated, it is one of the obligations of a feast that 
every one shall eat and drink ever}^ particle of the offering con- 
tained in the gourd given him by the leader. The inside of the 
jicara is even cleaned by rubbing the hand around it, and the 
spoon is treated in the same way until not a drop of the offering 
remains unconsumed. 

Usually no more than the immediate family take part in this 
rite, and each of the male members has received a single gourd 
of the posol. There still remain, therefore, in front of the hra- 
seros many jicaras of the offering. From these a third adminis- 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 123 

tration is made to the sacred oUas with the same chant (No. 7). 
These gourds are then distributed among the men by the leader, 
and he is also given an equal number by the assistant in addition 
to the one which had rested in front of the brasero of Usukun at 
the east of the ceremonial hut. 

The men then carry their gourds of posol which they cannot 
drink outside the inclosure to their families, as there is no obli- 
gation concerning any of the jicaras except the first. The men 
return to the sacred hut again and drink what they had saved 
out for themselves (PI. XXII, Fig. 1). On starting every new 
gourd of the offering, the contents is spattered in the same way 
as the first had been. 

T\\Q posol remaining in the jicaras after every one of the family 
has had all he desires is poured back into the large olla where it 
had been mixed, and this is consumed during the day and night. 
During the progress of these rites, the people have no necessity 
of preparing food other than the posol and the other offerings 
directed by their religion. 

At least twice during the time of manufacture of the new 
hraseros, a more elaborate rite is performed before the old in- 
cense-burners, consisting of an offering of baltse, buliwa, meat, 
and fillets of bark ^ in addition to the regular offering of posol 
just described. 

The posol rite comes as usual in the morning, and in the late 
afternoon the other offerings are made. The rite often lasts far 
into the night. 

The name of the principal food or drink offered in the cere- 
mony is used roughly to designate the rite. BaltSe is the offering 
most favored by the gods. This is a fermented drink made from 
the bark of a tree called baltSe (Spanish pitarilla?), mixed with 
wild honey or sugar cane and water.2 The honey employed 

1 See list of offerings made to the gods, note, p. 102. 

2 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXII, p. 122 : " Y que hazen el vino de miel y agua, y 
cierta raiz de un arbol que para esto criavan con lo qual se hazia el vino fuerte y 
muy hediondo." 

Cf. also Aguila, 1639, p. 17 : " Los Indios naturales dessa Nueva-Espana hazen 
un cierto vino que se llama Pulque, en lo quae dizque enlos tiempos que hazen 



124 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

is usually gathered in the forest; but in some instances, where 
special devotion is desired, hollow logs are placed in one corner 
of the sacred hut, and into this the bees deposit their honey, 
which is afterwards used in making the ceremonial drink. The 
honey thus made is never used by the people with their daily 
food, as this would be considered a sacrilegious act. This 
collection of honey in hollow logs made for the purpose is com- 
mon among the Mayas, although it has lost its ceremonial sig- 
nificance. Among the latter people the god of the bees is 
called Kananholkan, the keeper of the door of the sky. 

In appearance the baltSe is milky white, sour to the smell, 
and at first very disagreeable to the taste. It contains a small 
per cent of alcohol, as it is allowed to ferment. Drunkenness, 
the desired result, is obtained by drinking large quantities. ^ 
The early accounts speak of this custom of drinking large 
quantities of balt§e as most healthful, and that after the com- 
mon use of it was prohibited by the Spaniards, the natives 
suffered in consequence. ^ 

Owing to the necessity of fermentation, the balt§e must be 

sus fiestas, y en todo el mas tienipo del ano echan una raiz, que ellos siebran 
para efeto de echar en el dicho vino, y para le fortificar, y tomar mas sabor en 
ello, con el qual se emborrachan ; y assi emborrachados hazen sus ceremonias, 
y sacrificios, que solian hazer antiguamente." 

iCf. Villagutierre, Bk. VIII, Chap. XII, p. 408 : "Losvarones • • • gastavan 
lo mas de el tiempo en idolatrar, baylar, y emborracharse, a todashoras, y tiem- 
pos con los fuertes Brebages, que saben confeccionar." 

Cf. also " Relacion de Dohot, y Cabecera de Tetzimin," Vol. XIII, p. 207: 
" Hazian un vino da agua e myel y hechavan una rrayz que llaman balche en su 
lengua y hechavanlo en unos vassos de palo a menera de artesas grandes que 
hazian a treynta e quarenta e a cinquenta arrobas de agua e cocia e hervia alii 
dos dias ello solo por si e haziase una cosa rnuy fuerte y que olia mal, y en sus 
bayles andando baylando les yvan dando desto a bever en unos vasitos pequenos 
y a menudo, y en breve espacio se emborrachavan." 

2 Cf. " Relacion de la Ciudad. de Valladolid," 1900, Vol. XIII, p. 28 : "Este 
vino dicen les causaba sanidad porque con el se purgaban los cuerpos y lanzaban 
por la boca muchas lombrices, criabanse robustos y los viejos vivian mucho 
tiempo y frescos." 

Cf. also "Relacidn de Tequite," 1900, Vol. XI, p. 106: "No biben tanto 
agora porque los rreligiosos les an quitado esta custunbre y esto a sido muy 
danoso para sus saludes aberselo quitado dizen los rreligiosos que se embo- 
rachaban con este bino sobredicho." 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 125 

made before the day set for the rite to come off. A large 
supply of the bark of the tree is collected and placed in one 
of the hollow logs made for the purpose and situated at the 
east of the sacred hut {q. Fig. 33). In the second hollow 
log (j9, Fig. 33) a quantity of honey or, if this is lacking, a 
large supply of sugar cane together with water is placed. If 
the sugar cane is used, the whole is pounded until the juice is 
extracted (PI. XXII, Fig. 2). The sirup is then strained and 
poured into the log containing the baltge bark. The log is 
left uncovered (PI. XXII, Fig. 3) and the contents allowed to 
ferment, sometimes for not more than a single day. After the 
fermentation has gone far enough, parallel sticks are laid across 
the log and on these palm leaves are laid. The rain must in no 
way reach the contents of the log. A chant is made before the 
open log during the process of the fermentation (No. 17), 

A few hours before the rite is to begin in which the baltSe 
is to be offered to the gods, a bit of copal is burned in a piece 
of bark directly in front of the log. Five grains of corn are 
heated in the fire of the burning copal, and a prayer is made 
(No. 18), asking the gods to free the baltse from the evil effects, 
as regards health and comfort, produced by drinking it. 

Preceding the opening of the rite, there is also prepared, on 
a flat and thin board (batatie) (PI. XXIII, Fig. 1) with a handle 
on one side, what I have called nodules of copal (PI. XXIV, 
Fig. 3). In one case there were eighty of these arranged in 
ten parallel rows of eight each. They are of two 
forms as representing the two sexes, and they are 
offered in place of men and women in order to carry 
out the demands of the rites. Those representing 
men are bidden to go out into the forests and pro- Fig. 35. 
cure game for the gods, and those I'^Pi^^^^nting ^J^op of male ^ 
women are supposed to grind the corn and make 
the different offerings presented to the gods. These nodules 
are made first in the form of a truncated cone by the aid of 
paddles of wood. Those male in sex are fashioned by placing 
a small ball of copal in the center of the flattened top of the 




126 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 



cone and then completely surrounding this with eiglit other 
small and round bits of copal (Figs. 35 and 36). The female 
nodules (Fig. 37) are made by placing three flattened round 
disks of the gum, one on top of the other, on the flattened top 
of the nodule. The significance of these sexual characteristics 
is not clear. P"'ive of the ten rows on the board are male in sex 
and five female. They are arranged alternately. 





Fig. 36. Fig. 37. 

Copal nodules used by the Lacandones. 



Plate XXIII, Figs. 2 and 3, shows balls of copal found in Yu- 
catan and with little doubt a remnant of the former culture of the 

Mayas. They are paiiited 
with a greenish blue color. 
In the general shape and 
size and in the arrangement 
of the bits of gum incrusting 
the top, there is a striking 
similarity to the male nodule 
(Fig. 36) offered at the 
present time to the gods of 
the Lacandones. 

Large masses of the gum 
in low bowls have been 
found in connection with archaeological work in Yucatan. On 
the top of many of these offerings of incense the gum is 




J 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 



127 




Fig. ;}9. 
Tro-Cort. 102, b. 



arranged in the same checkered fashion as on the smaller 

nodules. 1 

In front of several of the nodules of copal, as arranged on 

the flat board, there is placed a crude resemblance to a human 

figure made of the gum of the 

wild rubber tree. There seems to 

be no general plan of the position 

of the nodules before which the 

figures are placed, nor is there any 

distinction in the figures them- 
selves as to sex. Rubber in a 

crude form is a frequent offering 

of the Lacandones.2 it is often 

mixed with the copal and both 

placed in a rough mass in the incense-burners. Balls of rubber 

are often found embedded in the ancient masses of copal found 

in excavations, so that here again we find survivals of ancient 
materials and forms. 

The copal nodules arranged on the 
board are called sil, a gift.^ This is the 
same name given to the braseritos which 
are made at the same time as the new 
hraseros and form a part of the renewal 
rite. Both are designated as to sex, and 
both are used in the light of servants to 
aid the gods in carrying out the de- 
mands made upon them by the giver of 
the feast. 

As soon as the nodules have been made and arranged as de- 
scribed on the board, a small piece of copal, resting on a bit of 
bark, is burned and waved in the air over the nodules. This 
is to purify them and cause them to assume consciousness as 

1 Cf . Fig. 38, from the Dresden Codex, which may show these bowls of copal. 

2 Cf. Fi^g. 39, from the Tro-Cortesianus, which may show a skirted figure 
gathering the sap from a rubber tree. 

3 The Spanish word gente, people, is given both to the nodules and to the 
braseritos. 




128 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

shown by the chant (No. 19). The board is then put aside to 
be used later in the celebration of the rite. 

The jar described as facing the line of oUas and resting on 
the carpet of leaves (PL XXIV, Fig. 2) is filled with baltSe 
contained in the hollow log.^ A loosely woven cloth is used 
as a strainer to keep the liquid free of pieces of the balt§e bark. 

Vessels made of the shell of a kind of squash and filled with 
an offering of buliwa are next brought in and placed in front 
of the line of braseros.^ 

Buliwa 3 is a square and flat tamale made of corn and frejoles 
and folded in a palm leaf. These form one of the common 
offerings to the gods. 

At this time there is also brought in from the adjoining 
shelter a single jicara containing a paste made of ground cocoa 
berries. The board of nodules finds a place in the middle 
resting on two of the dishes containing buliwa (as in the rite 
shown in/, Fig. 33). The handle points to the south and it is 
tied by a palm leaf to the other leaves on which the hraseros 
and the offerings rest. When the board is to be used, it is 
carefully untied. At the north and south side of the board of 
nodules there is an ear of corn. This is to guard the copal 
from tlie evil spirits who might otherwise come and carry away 
some of the nodules. 

After these preparations have been completed, the wife of 
the leader* enters the sacred hut with a wooden beater used in 
beating the native chocolate to a froth. The gourd containing 
the ground cocoa is handed her together with a single jicara of 
posol which has been brought in. With the beater she makes 
a thick foam of the posol and cocoa, a part of which she places 
in each of the jicaras gathered around the jar (g. Fig. 33), as 
her husband fills them with the baltge contained in the jar. 

1 Figure 40, p. 127, may show one of these jars. 

2 The number of ollas of buliwa and meat varies. There' is usually no more 
than one vessel of each for each of the hraseros. 

3 More correctly it is vrritten buuliwa from buul, frejole, wa, tortilla. 

* If, as in many cases, there is more than one wife, it is the oldest who 
oflficiates. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANBONES 129 

A gourd thus filled with the ceremonial drink and the foaming 
cocoa is placed in front of each of the braseros to the ac- 
companiment of a chant (No. 20). 

This act exhausts the contents of the jar, which is again filled 
from the hollow log. The wife beats up more cocoa, which she 
places on the top of a second set of jicaras as they are filled 
with baltge. These are placed in front of the line of incense- 
burners between them and the vessels containing the buliwa. 
A third jicara containing baltge and the preparation of cocoa is 
immediately given to each of the braseros, and the same chant 
is repeated as at the placing of the first and second set of 
gourds. 

Strips of bark pounded out thin over a log by means of 
a grooved stick are a frequent offering to the gods (PI. XIX, 
Fig. 4). The bark is cut about an inch wide and soaked in 
a mixture of water and the wood of the Falo mulatto (t§akaS). 
This gives a pinkish color to the strips. Several pieces of the 
bark, cut about three feet long, are tied around the rims of the 
braseros, and a chant describing the act is given (No. 21). Each 
of the strips seems to be placed in behalf of some one in the 
encampment. A piece of the bark is also tied around the drum 
and another around the neck of the jar containing baltSe (PL 
XXIV, Fig. 2). 

Up to this time the gourds containing the ceremonial drink 
have simply been placed in front of the line of braseros. The 
contents are now administered to the heads on the incense- 
burners. The leader does this with a roll or cigarette made of 
palm leaves, by dipping it into each of the gourds, after which 
he places it on the lower lip of the brasero. He chants (No. 22) 
during this operation. 

He then takes an em^^ty jicara and partially fills it by dipping 
the roll of leaves into all the gourds of baltse in front of the 
braseros. With the gourd thus filled, he goes to the east of the 
sacred hut and spatters the contents from the end of the roll of 
leaves into the air in the several directions where the gods are 
thought to live. This is done in quite the same manner and 



130 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

for the same purpose as the posol is thrown in the air in the rite 
of the morning. The chant is also about the same (No. 23). 

The braseros remaining on the shelf and the drum are also 
fed from the jieara containing a few drops from the baltse in 
each of the gourds in front of the incense-burners. 

To each man and boy who occupy seats around the leader, 
a gourd of baltSe is given from those around the jar. The 
leader addresses (No. 24) each person as he stands over him 
with a vessel of the liquid. The recipient answers him with a 
set formula (No. 25). To the members of his family the 
leader uses slightly different words (No. 26). The latter then 
takes his seat behind the jar of baltSe (PI. XXIV, Fig. 1), and 
his chief assistant arises and takes another jieara from those 
around the jar. This he places in the hands of the leader as 
he utters the same sentence as the other had given (No. 26) 
before the members of his family. 

Every one holds his gourd in both hands until the leader, by 
dipping his fingers in the jieara given him, spatters a small parti- 
cle of the baltSe in the several directions. There is a short prayer 
(No. 27) made at the time. After he has done this, the others 
follow his example, and all drink the contents of thQiv jicaras. 

The women of the encampment together with those who 
have come from the neighboring settlements now enter the 
inclosure and take their places at the northern or southern 
sides of the sacred hut. The leader gives to each one a jieara 
of baltSe filled directly from the jar, after having taken a sip 
from each one. He chants (No. 24) as he has done before the 
men. The women retire soon after with their gifts. 

By this time the jar is empty and it is refilled again from the 
log. From the gourds around the jar the braseros are admin- 
istered baltSe, after which the leader blows the shell trumpet at 
the east of the hut. 

The vessels containing the buliwa are held up, two at a time, 
by the leader,^ and offered to the gods in a chant (No. 28), 

^ In one of the rites witnessed a single small gourd containing meat was 
brought in at this time, and from this a small particle of meat was placed by 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 



131 




tHi. 41. 
Tro-Cort. 81, b. 



which differs greatly from those previously given in the mode 
of its delivery. It is given much more slowly and there is 
more rhythm. The words and syllables are joined together, 
and others seem to be added to fill out the measure. It is very 
difficult to give a satisfactory translation 
of this slow chant. 

The three jicaras of baltse in front of 
each of the braseros have, up to this time, 
remained untouched. They are now held 
up, two at a time, and offered to the 
gods. A chant, as usual, accompanies 
this act (No. 29). 

The board on which the nodules are 
arranged is now^ taken up by the assist- 
ant and pointed toward every one present. He repeats at the 
same time a short formula (No. 30). He then takes the board 
to the east of the hut (PI. XXIV, Fig. 3), where, holding it by 
the handle, he extends it at arm's 
length to the east and also to the 
south, the west, and the north. At 
certain intervals he runs and faces 
the braseros in the hut as he utters 
a spirited chant (No. 31).^ 

During this act tlie drum is 
usually beaten by a boy, who sits 
on the ground behind it and strikes 
the head with the palms of his hands. The leader often sits at 
this time at the northwest corner of the hut, singing softly to 
the accompaniment of the ceremonial rattle, which he shakes ^ 

the leader on the mouth of each of the braseros. The chant was the same as when 
all the dishes of meat were brought in (No. 34). After the incense-burners had 
been administered to, a portion of the meat was thrown in the air at the east of 
the hut, followed by an offering to the braseros on the shelf and to the drum. 

1 Figures 41 and 42 may represent the boards of nodules, although this is not 
at all certain. The knotted design in Fig. 42 is found upon some ancient shallow 
bowls in which remains of copal were found. 

■■2 This is not an essential part of the rite. It is one of the ways in which the 
leader shows his religious fervor. 




Fig. 42. 
Tro-Cort. 101, c. 



132 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

(Fig. 19, p. 75). The decoration on the rattle is made of holes 
and lines of black and red paint. There is no set song or chant 
used with it at this time. 

While the assistant is at the east of the hut with the board of 
copal^ a second helper administers a potion of baltSe to all the men 
present from a single jicara containing a small quantity from 
each of the gourds around the jar. The assistant then returns 
to the hut with the board of nodules. In the same manner as at 
the east of the hut, he points the board at each man present and 
utters the same formula (No. 31). After he has pointed it, 
furthermore, in the several directions in the air, he stands be- 
fore the line of hraseros and the rows of offerings and chants 
(No. 32). The prayer is slow and dignified and is the same in 
character as that given when the vessels of buliwa are offered. 

During the preceding chant, a second potion from the single 
gourd of baltSe is given to the leader and the other male partici- 
pants in the rite. 

At the conclusion of the slow chant with the cojjal nodules, 
the hraseros are again administered baltse from that contained 
in the jicaras around the jar. The chant (No. 22) is the same 
as at the previous occasions when baltie was placed on the lips 
of the incense-burners. A jicara is also taken to the east, where 
some of the contents is spattered in the several directions in 
which the gods live. The head on the drum and the hraseros 
on the shelf are also finally fed. 

The leader than takes the board of copal and goes to the 
western side of the line of hraseros. With a stick moistened in 
baltge, he removes from the board one by one the nodules of the 
gum and distributes them in the bowls of the incense-burners. 
He places some in the center of each olla, after holding each one 
for a moment before the mouth of the figure on the bowl in 
which it is to rest. Much partiality is shown in this distribu- 
tion. The hraseros of the most important of the gods receive 
five or six of the nodules, whereas those of some of the less im- 
portant deities receive only one or two. A chant (No. 33) is 
given during this operation. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 133 

The leader now brings from the adjoining hut, where all the 
offerings are prepared, dishes or ollas filled with the roasted 
meat of a monkey (PL XXV, Fig. 1), placing them at first in 
front of the ollas of buliwa. Afterwards he holds up each dish 
in turn as he chants (No. 84). 

After the large dishes of meat have thus been placed before 
the hraseros^ the jar is again filled from the reservoir of baitSe 
in the hollow log and brought back to its place. At each refill- 
ing of the jar there must be a consecration of its contents to the 
gods before any can be distributed among those present. So it 
follows that an administration of this new baltSe must be made 
(Chant No. 22). This time some of the foamed cocoa is added 
to the jicaras as they are filled with baltSe. Some of the con- 
tents of every new jar of the liquid must also be spattered at the 
east of the hut, as well as offered to the drum and the hraseros 
on the shelf. 1 

After the baltSe in the jar has thus been consecrated by an of- 
fering to the sacred ollas, a libation to the east, to the hraseros 
on the shelf, and to the drum, jicaras are filled and distributed 
by the leader to all those present. As each person receives his 
gourd a short prayer is said as before (No. 24). The leader is 
given his baltie by the assistant, and it is the latter who spatters 
a particle with his fingers toward the several points of the com- 
pass where the gods are supposed to reside. 

After a considerable period of drinking, in which many of the 
gourds are refilled from the jar, new fire is kindled by the leader 
and his assistant working together (PI. XXV, Fig. 2). This 
is done by the simple " two-stick " method, the wooden drill 
twisted between the palms and revolving in the notch of a hori- 
zontal stick of softer wood. The lower stick or " hearth " has 

1 At this point the assistant sometimes fills a jicara with the liquid from the 
jar and, with a smaller one, he dips out a little and administers it to the leader, 
saying at the same time a few words (No. 35), which are answered. The giver 
of the feast then takes the gourd of baltie together with the smaller one and re- 
peats the act with all those present. This rite is only another way of conse- 
crating the baltse in the jar by taking a part for the whole. This takes the 
place of offering it to the gods on the end of the roll of leaves. 



134 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

no gutter running from the notch to the edge, as is often the 
case in this form of fire-drill. By friction the tinder, placed 
beneath the horizontal stick, is heated and finally kindled. 
Among the Lacandones the tinder consists of shavings of log- 
wood resting in a corn husk. As soon as the fire is kindled, 
it is handed to the wife, who enters at this time and whose duty 
it is to light, by means of it, the wood already prepared. This 
whole ceremony of making new fire finds an interesting parallel 
in several of the rites mentioned by Landa. Burning of copal 
and the offering of food are also the common features in the 
early ceremonies of the Mayas.^ 

During the operation of making the new fire, the leader hands 
to his assistant two palm leaves and to every other man and boy 
present a single leaf. In the camp fire kindled by the wife, the 
leader then lights two pine sticks and with these he sets fire to 
the nodules of copal in the incense-burners. During this opera- 
tion every one turns his back to the altar where it is being done. 
The bands of colored bark are taken from around the rim of the 
sacred o?^as and placed in the palm leaves behind during the 
burning of the copal. 

The leader, closely followed by the assistant and then by all 
the others, goes behind and to the western side of the row of 
braseros. Holding the palm leaves in the smoke of the incense, 
they all chant (No. 13) as at a similar time during the offering 
of posol. The assistant administers a potion of baltse in a 
small jicara to the men and boys as they are thus engaged. 
After the fires have begun to die out in the braseros., each 
leaves the inclosure and goes to the domestic hut, where the 
rite over the family is carried out as described before (p. 121). 

After the more personal rite has been performed over the 

1 Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 300: "Y abaxo en el patio tendian todos cada 
niio sus idolos sobre hojas de arboles que para ello avia, y sacada lumbre nueva, 
comen9avan a quemar en muchas partes de su encienso, y a hazer ofrendas de 
comidas guisadas." 

Also ibid., Chap. XL, p. 280 : " Comengavan todos sus oraciones devotas y los 
chaces sacavan lumbre nueva ; quemavan el encienso al demonio y el sacerdote 
commen^ava a echar su encienso en el brasero." 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 135 

members of the families of the participants, the men return to 
the sacred hut, and the low shallow vessels containing the meat 
are offered to the gods by the leader. He stands facing the 
braseros as he recites a chant (No. 36), which in character is 
the same as that offered when the board of nodules is presented 
to the gods. It is slow, dignified, and measured, and there seems 
to be even a greater disregard for grammatical structure than 
in the ordinary chants. It is impossible to obtain equivalents 
for many of the words. They are probably terms whose mean- 
ing has long been lost. 

The different offerings still remain to be administered (p. 121). 
The leader places a particle of the meat and a pinch from the 
middle (9ubuliwa) of some of the tamales on the lip or mouth 
of each of the clay heads on the braseros, paying, as usual, 
special attention to the ollas of the most important of the gods 
by giving them the offering several times. Taking a small 
particle of corn from the middle of two or three of the buliwa 
in each dish seems to consecrate all the contents of the vessels. 
The leader recites a chant (No. 37) throughout this whole rite. 

At the conclusion of giving the offering to the braseros in 
behalf of the gods, the leader takes a particle from one of the 
tamales and a small portion of meat and gives this part of the 
offering to the brasero of Usukun at the east of the sacred 
hut. The leader next throws a minute portion of the combi- 
nation of the meat and the buliwa into the air at the east of 
the inclosure. The other points of the compass also receive an 
offering. The chant (No. 38) is the same as that given when 
the baltse is thrown into the air at the east of the house. 

The heads on the sacred oUas are still again and for the last 
time fed with the baltse from the end of the palm leaves. 
The chant (No. 22) is the same as before. A jicara of the 
liquid is given to each of the men present. Each is invited to 
drink (No. 24) by the leader, and they all spatter a portion of 
the baltse as an offering to the gods before they drink any. 

After the gourds given to the participants are emptied, they 
are refilled by the leader from the jar in front of him. No 



136 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 



order seems now to be observed in the drinking. Some drink 
jicara after jicara almost without stopping. Every one, with 
the exception of a few of the women, seems to think it his duty 
to become intoxicated. ^ The younger boys are no exception to 
the rule. Many are naturally sick, but this seems only to be a 
reason for drinking more. There is no disorder as might be 
expected. Every one goes about it in a most solemn manner 
as a religious duty to perform. Those intoxicated sing and 




dance a little, but there is no quarreling. This is explained by 
the fact that the gods are said to dislike anything of the sort. 

At this time, when in a state of intoxication and as an act es- 
pecially pleasing to the gods, the ear is sometimes pierced with 
a stone arrow point and the blood allowed to drip down upon 
the braseros containing the idols. This custom seems to be 
dying out, as it is only the oldest men who carry it out. It 
was a common practice among both the early Nahuas and Mayas 
to draw blood from various parts of the body, but more espe- 
cially from the ear.^ 



1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVII, p. 226 : " Se juntavana hazer sacrificios y 
offrendas al demonio, y a hazer una solemne borachera todos ; ca era fiesta gen- 
eral y obligatoria." 

Also ibid., Chap. XL, p. 266: "Alia tenian gran fiesta, y en ello se embor- 
achavan los senores y sacerdotes, y las principales." 
Margil, 1696, refers to the compulsory drunkenness. 

2 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XXXVIII, p. 232 : " Despues de hecho toda braza, la 
allanavan y tendian muy tendida y juntos los que avian bailado, avia algunos 




RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 137 

In addition to the obligatory drunkenness and the piercing 
of the ear, there is another act sometimes performed by the 
Lacandones of the present time and clearly a survival. If the 
natives are in a state of sufficient zeal and ecstasy, they place 
their bodies over the burning cojml as they 
offer up their chants to the gods.^ 

After the drinking has kept up for 
some time, the acts of the ceremony are 
again taken up. The shallow dishes of 
buliwa and the oUas of meat are now dis- 
tributed among the men and boys present. 
There is a short formula (No. 39) given 
at the time. The leader now exchanges a 
tamale from those in front of him with ^^^ ^ 

every other person, and the others do the Tro-Cort. 109, a. 
same with each other so that every man has a tamale from 
the dish of every other person. The meat is not divided in 
this way. 

que se ponian a passar descalgos y desnudos como ellos andavan por encima de 
aquella braza de una parte a otra y passavan algunos sin lesion, otros abra^ados, 
y otros medio quemados, y en esto creian estava el remedio de sus miserias y nalos 
agueros, y pensavan era este su servicio muy agradable a sus dioses." 

Also ibid., Chap. XXVIII, p. 160 : " Que hazian sacrificios con propia sangre 
Unas vezes, cortandose las (orejas) a la reconda por peda§os y alii los dexavan 
en senal." 

Ibid., Chap. XXXV, p. 214 : " Otros derramavan sangre, cortandose las orejas, 
y untando con ella una piedra que alii tenian de un demonio Kanal-Acantun." 

Ibid., Chap. XL, p. 308: " metian consque se sajar sacar sangre de las orejas." 

Cf. Aguilar, 1639, p. 81. 

Mrs. Nuttall, 1904, treats the subject of blood offering in Mexico exhaustively. 
She gives a group of figures from the Maya Codex, Tro-Cortesianus (p. 95), 
which I reproduce (Fig. 43). There are three men and one woman in the act 
of piercing the ear with a stone knife and allowing the blood to stream down 
into what seem to be bowls. Mrs. Nuttall calls to mind the fact that Landa 
states that the women did not make blood offering, and yet here we find one 
pictured as carrying out this act of devotion. 

1 Cf."Relacion de Valladolid," 1900, Vol. XIII, p. 27 : "Y por todas cuatro 
partes del fuego hacia sus cirimonias y rociaba con el las brasas, y luego man- 
daba le quitasen los alpargatas y entraba por encima de la braza rociando, y tras 
el toda la procesion de yndios, y pasaba este alquin sin se hacer mal alguno." 

Eigure 44 indicates drunkenness according to Forstemann (1902, p. 149). 



138 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

Before eating any of the offering, the contents of each vessel 
is further consecrated by throwing a particle of the meat and 
of the buliwa into the air to the four cardinal points to the ac- 
companiment of a short prayer (No. 40). 

After this, the wives and children join the men in the sacred 
hut and a general feasting begins.^ 

If any baltse still remains in the hollow log, it must be con- 
sumed before the rite is declared ended. In such a case the 
jar is refilled and from t\\\^ jicara niter jicara is filled and given 
to the participants. This is carried out until there is no more 
baltse remaining in the log, the jar, or the jicaras. The rite 
then ends. 

The bands of fiber bark which have been replaced around 
the edge of the braseros after the copal had burned out remain 
in the same position during the night. In the morning they 
are taken off by the leader and tied around the foreheads of 
the participants of the rite (PL XXVI, Fig. 1). These are 
worn for the remainder of the day. 

This rite of offering baltse, buliwa, meat, and the bark fillets 
is a very common one among the Lacandones. It is celebrated 
not only in behalf of the old incense-burners which are about to 
be superseded, but it is also undertaken before the new hraseros 
and at frequent intervals throughout the year. There are 
many variations in minor details, but there is a general order 
to the succession of the different acts. 

On the day when the new incense-burners are completed 
there is an offering of posol made to the old braseros both in the 
morning and again in the afternoon. The rite does not differ 
from that described (p. 118) as taking place daily during the 
manufacture of the new oUas. The chants (No. 41) alone 
differ slightly. 

Towards evening of this last day the new braseros and the 
smaller alias or braseritos used in carrying out the rite of 
installation are brought into the sacred hut from the shelter in 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 280 : " Despues deste saumerio comian entre 
todos las dones y presentes y andava el vino, haste que se hazian unas unas." 



RELIGION OF THE LAGAN DONES 



139 



the fields where tliey have been made.i There is a brasero to 
replace each of those which are supposed to die at this time.^ 
There seems to be no fixed rule concerning the number of 
hraseritos^ to be made and used in the rite. 
This seems to depend on the time at the dis- 
posal of those who give the feast, upon their 
inclination in the matter as regards the ne- 
cessity of propitiating the gods, and on the 
state of the harvest. 

The old braseros are filled to overflowing 
with the remains of the copal burned in all 
the previous rites of the year.* 
All vestiges of the colors of 
the former decoration have 
long since vanished, and they 
appear as blackened masses of burned pitch (PL 
XX, Fig. 3) which almost covers the formerly 
well-defined head on the edge of the bowl. All 
this eopal ash is carefully removed and the stone 
idol resting on the bottom is extracted. This 
is all done to the accompaniment of a chant (No. 42). These 
idols are regarded with the greatest possible reverence, and as 





Fig. 45. 
Tro-Cort. 61, b. 



Fig. 46. 
Tro-Cort. 96, c. 



1 Figure 45 may sbow the bringing in of the new braseros wrapped up in 
palm leaves. 

2 In one of the two renewal ceremonies witnessed, in addition to the seven 
large braseros made to replace the seven of the encampment, there were two 
others representing Aqantsob and Yumkanasabak. Thus these two gods 
had two sets of braseros consecrated in the rite, one set belonging to those of the 
encampment where the ceremony was beuig carried out and the other to the 
braseros of another settlement. It was in this second camp that the nephew 
resided, the son of the oldest brother who was dead, and the two extra braseros 
were for him, as in this latter settlement there was no renewal rite performed 
that year. Two of the old braseros with their idols, representing AqantSob 
and Yumkanasabak, had been brought over to the former camp and here the 
incense-burners had been renewed and consecrated in the rites. 

3 For the number of braseritos made in the ceremonies witnessed, see p. 107. 

* Figure 46 may show tiie incense-burner containing the idol, which is com- 
pletely covered with the remains of the copal. In this case the head of God C, 
according to Forstemann's designation, would po.ssibly be the idol, and the scroll 
ligure on the upper part of the bowl would stand for the face on the brasero. 



140 



MAYAS AND LACANDONES 




they are taken out they are laid on pahn leaves. It is at this 

time that the old hraseros are given a last offering of posol, each 

from a separate shell of the cocoa bean. These old incense- 
burners are then placed in a 
group at the western side of the 
hut with their heads facing the 
west (w, Fig. 33, p. 112) and a 
shell of the cocoa bean over each 
one. Thus they die, and each 
is superseded by a new oUa. 

The stone idols remain rest- 
ing on the leaves all night. 
Early the next morning an offer- 
ing of baltSe is made to the new 
hraseros, which have been placed 
in the position formerly occu- 
pied by the old incense-bowls 
(a. Fig. 33) and with the heads 
facing the east. The hraseritos 
are arranged in lines in front of 

the row of the large incense-burners. The heads of those in 

the smaller class also face the east (6, 5, 6, Fig. 33, and PL 

XXVI, Fig. 2). As the assistant 

places the offering of baltSe on the 

mouth of the brasero, the leader de- 
posits the stone idol of the respective 

incense-burners in the bowl and it is 

immediately covered with copal (Chant 

No. 43). The regular rite of offering 

baltSe, meat, buliwa, and fillets of bark 

is then undertaken in the same way as 

described (pp. 123-138). i 

The board of nodules is prepared and distributed among 

the hraseritos as well as among the larger ollas. Each of the 

1 Figure 47 may represent the offering of meat and Fig. 48 of corn to the new 
incense-burners. The shelter is clearly shown in Fig. 48. 



Fig. 47. 
Tro-Cort. 65, a. 




Fig. 48. 
Tro-Cort. 97, a. 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 141 

smaller incense-burners also receives a part of every offering. 
T]ie hraseros naturally have most of the attention in the rites. 
They each receive sometimes as many as seven or eight of the 
nodules of copal, whereas the hraseritos do not obtain more 
than one or two. 

The chants in each case, as has been explained, designate 
whether the inferior god represented by the hraserito is to give 
the offering directly to the main god whose servant he is and 
for the use of the god in question (atllili), or for this main god 
to restore the offering in turn to Nohotsakyum. 

In addition to the usual offerings made at tins time, there is 
a gift of achiote. The berry is ground and mixed with water, 
making a vivid red paint. A small gourd containing this mix- 
ture is brought in and placed in front of the rows of incense- 
burners directly after the nodules of copal have been taken 
from the board and distributed in the bowls of the several alias. 
After the copal is lighted, the leader places a spot of the achiote 
with his fingers on the chin of each of the hraseros and hraseritos 
and a similar spot on the forehead of each. The head on the 
drum, the alias on the shelf, and that of Usukun at the east of 
the hut are treated in the same way. The two round circles 
on the logs containing the baltSe are renewed with the paint, as 
are also the circles on the two western supports of the house. 
The red lines on the rattle and on the ceremonial oboe are 
repainted. The leader then has a spot of red painted on his 
forehead and another on his chin similar to those placed on 
the heads of the sacred alias. Two lines are also painted 
around the wrists and ankles of the leader. His poncha is 
dotted over with the achiote (PI. XXVI, Fig. 1) in addition 
to the other decoration. Finally all the other men, fol- 
lowed by the women, have their faces marked in the same 
way as that of the leader, and their ponchas are spotted with 
the red. The leader alone has the lines around the arm and 
leg. There is no chant accompanying this operation of 
painting. 

On the day following the substitution of the new alias, they 



142 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

are given an offering of posol similar in all respects excepting 
the chant (No. 44) to the previous daily rites when posol is 
offered to the old braseros (p. 118). 

On the third day in the life of the new incense-burners, a 
rite differing in some part from that performed on the first day 
(p. 138) is undertaken. Owing to a few details which are 
new, it may be well to review briefly the different acts in the 
rite performed on this day. 

Baltse is made in advance and purified by burning incense 
and heating the grains of corn beside the log. 

Early in the morning of this third day, earthen dishes con- 
taining tamales made simply of corn (norwa) are placed in 
front of the lines of incense-burners, both large and small. 

The jar is filled with baltSe and from this- thirteen jicaras 
are filled and placed on the altar of leaves (PL XXVII, Fig. 1). 
The leader in his chant designates which jicara shall go in 
front of each brasero and whether it is for the god himself or 
to be carried by him to Nohotgakyum. The shell trumpet is 
then blown and the jar refilled. 

Six more gourds are furnished with baltSe and, with a rolled 
leaf, a particle is taken from each of the jicaras and placed in a 
single gourd from which all the incense-burners are fed. The 
chant is the same as at the previous rite (No. 44), with the ex- 
ception of the words addressed to each of the braseritos (No. 45). 
The oHa of Usukun at the east of the hut and those of the gods 
not taking part in the ceremony on the shelf are also given an 
offering of the ceremonial drink. 

The nodules of copal prepared in advance are sprinkled with 
the baltse, and an offering of the drink is held up to the head 
represented by a few red lines on the ceremonial jar. A short 
formula is said at this time (No. 46). 

The jicaras around the jar are distributed to those present, 
who chant (No. 27) and spatter a small portion of the contents 
before drinking. 

The first of the tobacco of the year is used in making an 
offering of cigars. Each is lighted in the new fire, held for a 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 143 

moment in front of the mouth of one of the sacred oUas ^ (Chant 
No. 47), and finally leaned up against the head of the incense- 
burner to which it has been offered (PL XXI, Fig. 1). Every 
product of the field must thus first be offered to the gods before 
it can be serviceable for common use. 

The braseros and braseritos are again administered baltSe, after 
which the leader sprinkles the lines of ollas with the liquid. 
A short chant is made at the same time (No. 23). 

Each man present is now given a second jicara of baltse from 
those around the jar, for his own consumption. 

A slow chant (No. 29) is repeated as the heads of the incense- 
burners are fed still again, and the jicaras around the jar are 
distributed a third time to the par- 
ticipants in the rite. The ollas are 
fed again from new gourds filled 
with baltse from the jar. 

Jicaras of posol are next brought 
in and offered to the gods. The 
leader and his eldest son do this at 
the same time, each holding a gourd 
in each hand (Chant No. 68). The 
tamales of corn and the posol offered 

^ Fig. 49. 

at this time are made from the first Tro-Cort. 88 b. 

corn of the year. 

A potion of baltse from the gourds around the jar is given 
to the hraseros and braseritos. The first set of jicaras placed 
on the altar of leaves still remain untouched. The brasero of 
TJsukun and those on the shelf are not neglected in this re- 
peated offering of baltSe from the jar. 

The leader, sitting behind the jar, repeats a slow chant 
(No. 29) as he dips the cigarette of leaves in the several jicaras 
around the jar. With this roll he administers the liquid to the 
heads on the sacred ollas. 

A single gourd of baltie under which are two palm leaves 

1 Cf. Fig. 49, where a god is sitting upon the sign of the earth (caban) and 
smoking. 




144 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

crossed at right angles is placed in the hands of the leader. 
He chants (No. 27) as the assistant sjDatters part of the con- 
tents with his fingers, and drinks. 

The board of nodules is now offered at the east side of the 
hut as' in previous rite. The bands of bark are taken from a 
large earthen olla, where they have been colored, and are hung 
in front of the rows of sacred vessels. 

The board is next offered to the hraseros inside the hut after 
being pointed to every one present. The chant is the same as 
before (No. 32). The bands of colored bark are now placed 
around the rims of the incense-burners. Each of the hraseros 
has at least one of the fillets, and the hraseritos have the bands 
stretching across their heads, one strip serving for three or four 
of the smaller class of ollas. A band is tied around the drum, 
and the hrasero of Usukun also receives a fillet. 

The nodules of copal are next distributed in the bowls of the 
incense-burners (Chant No. 33). The offerings of baltie are 
repeated until there is none remaining in the jar or in the 
hollow log. 

Palm leaves are now given to each one present, and a new 
fire is made with which to light the copal in the incense-burners. 
During the burning of the incense, the bands of bark are laid 
at one side. 

At the same time as the copal is being lighted, the different 
ollas are being painted, with the achiote, together with the drum 
and the rattle. The leader and the others present are also 
painted in the same way as in a previous rite (p. 141). 

The one who gives the feast closely followed by the other 
men, and the boys old enough, now approach the blazing ollas 
and hold their leaves in the smoke as they recite a prayer 
(No. 13). 

Seven earthen dishes of cooked frejoles are now brought in 
and placed in front of the other offerings before the incense- 
burners. This is done without chanting. The gift is then 
offered by holding each dish up and making a prayer (No. 49). 
The corn tamales which were brought in at the very beginning 



BELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 145 

of the rite are also offered to the gods with the same chant. 
The frejoles as well as the corn of the tamales are the first of 
the season. This whole renewal ceremony might well be called 
an offering of the first fruits, as it is always held at the time of 
year when the tobacco, corn, ^\n{ frejoles are beginning to ripen. 

The tamales and the frejoles^ after being placed and offered, 
are next ready to be administered to the different braseros and 
hraseritos in behalf respectively of the gods and the lesser spir- 
its whom they represent. A small particle is taken from one 
or two tamales in each dish and a few beans from each vessel. 
The joint offering is then placed on the mouth of each of the 
incense-burners (Chant No. 50). 

The first set of jicaras of baltse remaining before the sacred 
ollas, togetlier with the dishes of tamales and frejoles^ are now 
distributed among the men present. Each exchanges a portion 
of the contents of each dish with each of the others, and, after 
the usual consecration of a portion to the gods, a general feast- 
ing begins. 

The bands of bark and the cigars remain before the sacred 
ollas until morning, when they are distributed. The men wear 
the fillets and smoke the cigars (Fig. 49). 

On the fourth day in the life of the new braseros^ an offering 
of posol is made. Into each jicara of the drink as it is being 
made there is added a ball of corn, ground and roasted. Such 
an offering is called sSkha. The rite differs in no way from 
the regular j9o so? ceremony previously described (p. 118). 

On the fifth day, joosoZ of the usual kind is offered to the gods. 
Cocoa berries are ground, and a part of the ground cocoa is 
added to each jicara of the posol and the whole frothed by the 
wooden beater. 

The sixth day is marked by an offering of posol with the balls 
of roasted corn, the same kind of gift as is given on the fourth 
day. 

On the seventh and final day of the ceremony of consecrating 
the new incense-burners, the offering oi posol and cocoa is made 
in the exact order as in all the other rites in which posol is given 



146 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

to the gods. At the conclusion of the act, when the jicaras 
oi posol have been distributed to those present, the leader stands 
behind the assistant and each of the others and repeats a for- 
mula (No. 15). The assistant then says the same words behind 
the leader. This simple act is really the end of the ceremony. 

Nothing more remains to be done but to place the incense- 
burners in the places on the shelf formerly occupied by the old 
braseros when there was no rite in progress. The seven new 
and freshly painted ollas are, accordingly, deposited on the 
shelf in two rows. The hraseritos are placed on a shelf at the 
northwest corner of the hut until there is opportunity to carry 
them and deposit them in their final resting-place together with 
the old and dead braseros. Great care is observed in placing 
the ollas on the shelves. The heads of the bowls are never for 
an instant turned in any other direction than toward the east. 
The alia with the projecting arm is wrapped in a banana leaf and 
tied with a band of the colored bark. All the palm leaves on 
which the incense-burners rest during the progress of the rites 
are gathered up into a pile with the stems pointing toward the 
south. The ground on which the seven ollas of the main gods 
have rested is swept with the utmost care, and every particle of 
copal ash fallen on the leaves is collected and made into a 
bundle. The leaves and sweepings are carried and deposited 
on a pile (tSak) at the north of the sacred hut containing all 
the refuse from the ceremonies for years past.^ 

On the day following the last offering* of the consecration 
rites, the old and dead incense-burners of the previous year, 
which for the past seven days have remained undisturbed at 
the western side of the hut, are carefully placed in carrying nets, 
together with the olla with the projecting arm, and the earthen 
drum, which is also considered to be dead. The men then 
take these nets, with their contents, on their backs (PI. XXVII, 
Fig. 2) and go to a cliff a short distance to the west of the 
encampment. Here they leave the dead braseros at the bot- 

^Cf. Landa, 1864, Chap. XL, p. 278: "Varrian sus casas y la vasura y estos 
peltrechos viejos echavanlo fuera del pueblo al muladar y nadie . . . tocava a ello. " 



TtELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 147 

torn of a large mass of rocks and place the olla with the project- 
ing arm above the others on a higher part of the ledge. These 
incense-burners have ceased to be of service, and their places 
have been taken by the new hraseros containing the stone idols 
taken from the former. Travelers who report finds of incense- 
vessels may well have happened to find these depositing places 
of the old and dead ollas, deprived of the idols they once had. 
There is no chanting when this final act is carried out. 

The braseritos used in the consecration rite are taken in the 
same way to a place on the shore of Lake Petha, where they are 
also hidden under a cliff.^ 

With this act the ceremony is over and the men turn their 
attention to making the new fields for the next crop. The new 
hraseros have been installed, and when they are not in use in 
any of the rites, they remain on the suspended shelf. There is 
no more occasion therefore for the men sleeping in the sacred 
hut as was necessary when the hraseros and all the smaller ollas 
remained constantly, day and night, upon the altar of palm 

leaves. 

It must not be supposed that, now that the installation of the 
new incense-burners with their idols has been completed and 
the old ones disposed of, there is an end for a time to the rites. 
The new hraseros are used in the performance of ceremonies at 
very frequent intervals. 

When any long journey is to be undertaken, the gods are 
first of all appealed to. A board of nodules of coiml is made 
and purified as has been described (p. 125). This is offered 
in a slow chant (No. 32) to the gods, and the nodules are then 
distributed in the hraseros of certain of the gods knowm to be 
well disposed toward the undertaking. This is ascertained by 
one of the acts of divination (p. 99). One of the men chants 
(No. 51) over the smoke of the burning cojyal as he waves the 
regular bundle of palm leaves. If the person who is to make 

1 Each settlement probably has a special place of its own where the dead 
hraseros are deposited. 



148 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

the journey is a woman, the man carries the leaves to the do- 
mestic hut, where the woman is waiting. He chants (No. 51) 
over her as he taps her feet with the leaves. In some instances 
a more elaborate rite is undertaken at this time. PgsoI is made 
and offered in addition to the gift of incense. 

The simple burning of rough pieces of copal in the braseros 
may be undertaken in order to invigorate some leaves to be 
used in curing some simple ailment. 

As has been stated (p. 81), the Lacandones are in the habit 
of making pilgrimages to the spots where they believe their 
gods to live. These journeys are not uncommon to the homes 
of gods whose dwellings are in the neighborhood of the encamp- 
ment in question. The people living near Lake Petha are in 
the habit of visiting the shrine of the god loananohqu, who lives 
in an immense cliff on the shore of the lake. These trips are 
undertaken from a spirit of devotion to the god and a desire 
for protection from the evils of the spiritual world, which this 
god is able to grant. As will be seen from the nature of the 
chants used in the rites of the Lacandones, there is, in addition, 
the idea of thankfulness for past and present favors. 

Inasmuch as one of these pilgrimages was witnessed, it may 
be well to describe it in detail. The start was made from the 
encampment about five in the morning. The father of the 
family led tlie way along the narrow trail. He carried most of 
the materials for making the sacrifice in a net on his back, sus- 
pended by a strap from the forehead. The eldest son came 
next with his bow and arrows. He had a burden in proportion 
to his years. He was followed by his two sisters, each of whom 
had loads of greater proportions than their ages warranted. 
The wife drew up in the rear. She had the youngest boy in 
her arms and another on her back in a net suspended by a strap 
across the forehead. After about two hours of walking, the 
side of the lake was reached. All embarked in one of the 
native canoes for the cliff where the god lived. This proved 
to be the rock which has been described as having on its face 
a painting of a double-headed serpent (Fig. 16, p. 68). 



I 



RELIGION OF THE LACANDONES 149 

Close beside the figure on the cliff there is a large crevice in the 
face of the rock, said to be the entrance to the home of the god. 
It was in this cavelike formation that the sacrifices were made 
in honor of loananohqu. The greatest solemnity characterized 
the ceremony. The god was supposed actually to be j)resent 
during the performance of the rite. The writer was not allowed 
to land from the canoe, nor were any of the famil}^ other than 
the father and the eldest son, who carried out the ceremony. 
As the water was very low in the lake, the canoe was some 
distance below the ledge of rocks serving as an altar. It could 
not be seen whether or not there were any braseros used in 
connection with the rite. There Avere certainly none carried 
from the encampment. It is quite probable that one or more 
of the braseritos were used in the rite as the conveyers of the 
offering to the god. The whole face of the rock was heavily 
smoked, showing that these pilgrimages were not uncommon. 

The ceremony followed the same general lines as the others 
which have been described. The offering, owing to the distance 
and the difficulty of bringing anything liquid, consisted only of 
nodules of cojjal and buliwa. 

The father held up the dishes containing the tamales of corn 
and frejoles, and gave the customary chant (No. 28). The 
nodules of copaZ were made on the spot and arranged on a board 
which was kept on the ledge for the purpose. This board of 
cojjal was held up and offered in the usual way, and the eojyal 
then distributed in two clusters on the rocky ledge. A particle 
from the middle of each buliwa was also placed on the ledge, 
after which the gum was lighted and the leaves held in the 
smoke. A prayer directed especially to loananohqu was made.^ 

After the leaves had been impregnated with the virtues of 
the god by holding them in the smoke of the incense burned to 
him, the father came down to the boat with the leaves and 
chanted in turn over each member of his family. He then re- 
turned to the cliff, where he prayed for a short time longer. 
After the father and son had eaten several of the tamales given 
1 1 was unable to obtain the text of this chant. 



150 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

to the god, they came down to the canoe, bringing the remainder 
of the offering. All then joined in eating the buliwa, which 
was the only thing they had brought to eat. The actual rite 
did not last longer than two hours, and the rest of the day was 
spent in hunting turtle eggs and fishing. 

The daily thought and life of the Lacandones are centered 
around the religious element. An instance of this is seen in an 
incident witnessed by the writer. The father, the head of the 
encampment and the leader in the preceding rite, together with 
his family, was on his way to the neighboring settlement of the 
Indians. He was some distance in advance of the wife and 
children. As he stopped to wait for them, he gathered a palm 
leaf, pulled off the lowermost petal, and tore a shred lengthwise 
from the leaf. Rolling the leaf between the palms of his hands, 
he performed the divinatory rite described (p. 100) in order to 
receive an answer to questions which were troubling him. The 
chant used in this rite showed the cause of his anxiety to be his 
son, whom he feared would not live to grow up. 

There is a ceremony observed just before a mother is deliv- 
ered of a child. The father offers the usual offerings to the 
gods and prays for a safe delivery, for the recovery of the 
mother, and the life and growth of the child. He asks for the 
good health of the mother and child during the period of 
suckling (utSukutSutS), for freedom of fear for the child, and 
finally the power of walking. 



RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 

The surprise is not great at finding survivals of ancient be- 
liefs as described by the early Spanish priests and historians 
among the Lacandones, who have been more free from outside 
influence than almost any other people of Mexico and Central 
America; but among the practically civilized Mayas of Yucatan, 
one is indeed amazed to find so much still remaining of the an- 
cient religion under what at first appears to be a most rigid 
conformation to the beliefs of the Roman Catholic Church. 

In the less populated districts one can find rites being cele- 
brated similar in a great part to some of the ceremonies found 
among the Lacandones, but with the addition of a cross of wood 
set up before the offering to carry out the idea received from 
their Catholic teachers. The symbol of the cross seems to 
free the rite of any heretical character that it might possess 
from the standpoint of the Catholic clergy. Many of the 
early Spanish accounts speak of the first population of Yuca- 
tan as not being worshipers of idols, but as possessing religion 
not differing greatly from that introduced by the Spaniards.^ 
This idea evidently is a result of the Spanish teaching. 

There is one great cause for the success which crowned the 
efforts of the early Spanish missionaries in establishing a new 
form of worship in Yucatan. Instead of introducing an en- 
tirely new set of ideas and strange forms of devotion into the 
country, the old ideas were used as a foundation on which to 
build the new teaching. The rites native to the country were 

1 Cf. " Relacidn de Quizil y Sitipeche," 1900, Vol.XI., p. 215 : "... Los priin- 
eros pobladores de chihinisa no fueron ydolatras hasta que Rul Rau capitain 
mexicano entro en estas partes el qual enseiio la ydolatria o la nesesidad como 
ellos dizen los enseno a ydolatrar — tubieron notizia de un criador de todas las 
cosas de la criazion del cielo y de la tierra y de la cayda de lusifer de la ynmor- 
talidad del any ma y del ^ielo y del ynfierno y del delubio general." 

151 



152 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

changed until they agreed more or less faithfully with those 
of the new religion. 

We may certainly question the accuracy of some of the 
early accounts of the missionaries concerning the speed with 
which the natives threw aside the religion of their race and 
adopted that of the Conquerors. The early priests without ex- 
ception speak of the ease with whicli the natives were induced 
to discard their former religious ideas. It was probably not 
until the Mayas were greatly weakened by the continued 
attacks of the enemy and after 'years of submission to the su- 
perior force that the Catholic religion was in any way established 
in the country. In the accounts of the immense numbers of 
baptisms administered to the native race there can be placed 
little reliance, as undoubtedly there were a large number of 
" repeaters, " as each new convert usually obtained from the 
hands of the king's missionaries certain gifts in the way of 
clothing. 

In the cities and towns throughout Yucatan there are churches 
and cathedrals. In the smaller villages, the priests come but 
once a year to christen children, to hear confession, and to bless 
unions that have already taken place. In many of the smaller 
settlements in the interior, even the yearly visit is done 
away with, and the natives live without the slight restraining 
influence of the padre. Each hut has its santo, which usually 
consists of the picture of the Virgin Mary. Saint days 
are celebrated often with a grand carousal, which sometimes 
assumes grand proportions. At frequent intervals along every 
road and trail, crosses of wood have been erected. When 
travelers pass a new cross, they always deposit a stone or pebble 
at the base. The natives touch their hats when passing one 
of the crosses. Yucatan is thus virtually a Catholic country. 
Underneath this, however, there is much that is fundamentally 
native in their religious ideas. 

Landa and the other early priests and historians give a 
large amount of material on the ceremonial life of the Mayas, 
the yearly festivals and those celebrated in the different months 



RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 153 

of tlie Maya year, but, as in the case with the Lacandones, it 
will be possible to take up only those forms of rites which seem 
to show some connection with those carried on at the present 
time. I shall also enter upon a discussion of the early ideas of 
the mythology of the Mayas found recorded in the early histo- 
ries only in so far as they touch upon the beliefs of the present 
day. 

With a knowledge of the most important of the rites of the 
Lacandones, it will be interesting to take a survey of a few of 
the ceremonies now carried on in some of the less populated dis- 
tricts of the peninsula. These usually have no close connection 
with the affairs of the Church, although they are recognized by 
the priests and are not openly prohibited, inasmuch as these 
rites, as I have before noted, are freed from possessing any 
heretical character by having the symbol of the cross interwoven 
in their structure together with the names of several of the 
Catholic saints. 

In order to understand the ceremonies, it will be well to 
know something of the cosmical conceptions of the Mayas of 
the present time. According to the information obtained from 
the Mayas in the vicinity of Valladolid, this world is now in the 
fourth period of its existence. In the first epoch there lived 
the Saiyamwinkoob, the Adjusters. These composed the primi- 
tive race of Yucatan. They were dwarfs and were the ones 
who built the ruins. This work was all done in darkness be- 
fore there was any sun. As soon as the sun appeared, these 
people turned to stone. Their images are found to-day in 
many of the ruins (PI. XXVIII). It was at this period that 
there was a road suspended in the sky, stretching from Tuloom 
and Coba to Chichen Itza and Uxmal. This pathway was 
called kusansum or sSbke (white road). It was in the nature 
of a large rope (sum) supposed to be living (kusan) and in the 
middle flowed blood. It was by this rope that the food was 
sent to the ancient rulers who lived in the structures now in 
ruins. For some reason this rope was cut, the blood flowed out, 
and the rope vanished forever. This first epoch was separated 



154 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

from the second by a flood called Haiyoqokab (water over the 
earth). 

In the second period of the history of the earth there lived 
the " oolob," the Offenders. Again a flood destroyed the greater 
part of the world, after which the Masehualli, or Mayas of the 
present time, came into power. Still again there was a flood 
which gave way to the fourth period. In this last epoch, there 
is a mixture of all the previous peoples inhabiting Yucatan. 
This last flood was called "hunyekil," or "bulkabal" (the im- 
merging)- The Catholic priests take advantage of this belief 
in the various epochs to teach that, in the last flood, all the 
spirits of the race were killed excepting three who escaped in a 
canoe, "i)ios 7/umbil, Dios mehenhil, and Dios Espirito Santo,'^ 
the Maya expression for the Trinity. 

The Masehualli, or Mayas of the present time, state that their 
ancestors were among those who lived in the first period of the 
earth's history. 

According to the natives of Yucatan, there are seven heavens 
above the earth, each of which has a hole in the center, one di- 
rectly above the other. According to one idea, a giant ceiba 
(yaStSe), growing in the exact center of the earth, rears its 
branches through the successive holes in the heayens until it 
reaches the seventh, where ''Ul Gran Dios''' of the Spaniards 
lives. It is by means of this tree ^ that the dead spirits ascend 
from one world to the other until they reach the topmost one, 
where they finally remain. Another explanation is that there 
is a ladder made of vines running from the earth up through 
the holes in the heavens to the seventh, and it is by this vine 
that the souls ascend. 

Below the topmost plain occupied by the God introduced by 

1 The ceiba tree (Bombox ceiba) plays a great part in the mythology of the 
Mayas. One was supposed to have grown in Valladolid. It was cut down, but 
it grew again and had four branches, one for each of the cardinal points. A 
cenote was directly beneath the tree. A hawk lived in the topmost branch, the 
spirit of the tree. The bird's cry was " sukl, suki," and this was the name given 
to the town, which later was changed by the Spaniards to Valladolid. For 
a probable representation of this tree, see Codex Tro-Cortesianus, pp. 75, 76. 



RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 155 

the Spaniards, in the sixth heaven, there lives a class of spirits 
called Nukutsyumtsakob.i The former gods of the Mayas have 
been relegated to the role of spirits under the dominion of El 
G-ran Dios. In many cases, where among the Lacandones there 
is found a single god, among the Mayas of the present time 
there is a class of spirits. One of these spirits, called Nukut- 
gyumtsakob, would be called NohotSyumtiak,^ and it is this 
term, with a change in the arrangement of the syllables, No- 
hots(ti)akyum, that we have found given to the main god of the 
Lacandones (p. 93). Among the Mayas this class of spirits is 
also called Aoenuloob, or simply Yumtgakob. They are regarded 
as old, white-haired, and as having beards. They are described 
as being very fond of smoking. These are gods of rain and 
carry out the commands of the God of the seventh heaven. In 
addition to these attributes they are the protectors of human 
beings. According to the early authorities, the rain gods were 
called " Tiak " (written Chac). A rite for rain is still carried 
on by the Mayas. It is called by the reduplicated term t&atSak 
(p. 162). 

On the fifth plain above the earth reside the protecting spirits 
of the milpas or fields, Qu'^ob, and of the forest, A^kananqaSob.^ 
YumqaS (written Yumkash) is given as a god of the fields among 
the early Mayas. To each of these classes of spirits rites are 
performed which will be described later. 

The fourth heaven is occupied by a class of spirits called 
A^kananbaltSeob. This word has the meaning " the protectors 
of the animals." 

In the third heaven live the spirits who are not well disposed 
toward man, A^qaqasbalob.* 

The gods of the winds live on the second plain: A'^laqinqu, 

1 They are called by the Spanish name regaderos, from the verb regar, to 
water, to moisten. 

2 NukutS is the plural form of the adjective nohotS, meaning great. 

3 The a*^ seen in many of these proper names is the masculine prefix, con- 
trasted with the feminine form s. 

* This word is made from the reduplicated form of the adjective meaning bad, 
qas. 



156 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

god of the east wind, A^^tsiqinqu, god of the west wind, 
Al»noholqinqu, god of the south wind, and A^&amanqinqu, god of 
the north wind. The early Mayas had a spirit of the wind 
called Iq (written Ik). 

In the first heaven above the earth lived the Yumbalamob. 
They are for the special protection of '^ cristianos.''' They are 
invisible during the day, but at night they are awake and remain 
seated at the crosses set up at the entrance of the pueblos. 
There are four of the Yumbalamob, one for each of the cardinal 
points. They mount guard over the town and protect the peo- 
ple from the animals of the forest and other dangers. The 
pieces of worked obsidian often found throughout Yucatan are 
supposed to have been used by the Balamob to cut through the 
wind, and by the sounds thus produced to make signs to their 
companions stationed at the other entrances to the town. These 
obsidian flakes are also used to hurl at animals who are about 
to attack men. 

Below the earth is the abode of Kisin, t]ie earthquake, and 
god of the underworld (metnal). He is a god of evil. The 
YumtSakob send down the rain which refreshes the earth. This 
makes the ground cold and uncomfortable for Kisin, so that he 
makes a wind in the sky to drive away the rain clouds. It is 
in this underworld that the spirits of those live who have com- 
mitted suicide by throwing themselves into a cenote} or by 
some other means. The spirits of all people who die go here 
for a short time, after which they pass through the several 
heavens, finally arriving at the seventh, where they live in 
happiness forever. The souls (pisan) of men who have died 
in war and of women who have died in childbirth go directly 
to the upper world, without the intermediate residence in 
metnal. The Mayas have always believed in a future life, but 
it is hard to tell how much influence the Catholic teaching has 
had on the ideas they now entertain. 

The soul of a dead person is called piSan. This is the same 

1 This would seem to be the most common form of voluntary death. 



RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 157 

term used by the Lacandones. The god who conducts the 
spirit of the dead to the several abodes is called T§asapi§an. 
Among the Lacandones, we have seen (p. 47) how the spirit 
is provided with food for the journey. Among the Mayas as 
well food is placed on the grave to provide for the welfare of 
tlie spirit until it reaches the seventh heaven. It is believed 
that a priest will come at the end of the world, and by the 
sense of smell he will separate the true Indians from those of 
mixed blood. 

In addition to the gods whose names have been given as 
inhabiting the different heavens, there are a number of other 
spirits whose attributes vary, and who are supposed to live in 
one of the several abodes of the gods. 

A'^qinSok is described as owner of the days. The spirits 
who have protection over the bees are called Kanansusob, and 
the owners of the medicinal herbs are named Sitboiontun. 
Brinton gives this same term to the gods of medicine. 
Suhuiqaq is the spirit of the new fire, a god of healing. The 
Lacandone god, Qaq, may be identified with this god of the 
Mayas. A'^kustal is the god of birth. The mythical serpent, 
Ququlkan, of the Lacandones is called Quqikan among the 
Mayas. It is described as a many-headed snake living in 
the sky. At intervals it comes to the earth to a place below 
the home of the red ants (sai). A'^makiq (the one who locks 
up the wind) is a spirit to whom an appeal is made when there 
are very strong winds working damage to the crops. 

As among the Lacandones, the thunder is called tanupekqu. 
The gods of rain, Yumtsakob, are said to be rushing everywhere 
in a storm, and they use the thunder to announce their coming. 
The lightning, tanuhaoqu, is the whip with which they lash 
their horses. The rain gods carry bows and arrows and often 
fell trees in their journeys. Sometimes the points of their 
arrows are found in the midst of the forest. This is the ex- 
planation given when a meteorite is found. Among some of 
the Mayas, it is believed that where a meteorite ^ falls, there a 
1 Tsinqaq, literally suspended fire. 



158 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

lake will afterward be found filled with alligators. As has been 
noted, the Yumtsakoq are great smokers. Comets are explained 
as the cigars which are being thrown away by the rain gods. 

As among the Lacandones, both the sun and his consort, the 
moon, are regarded as servants of the main god. The deities 
themselves never do any real work, and as the sun and moon 
are continually in motion, they cannot be regarded as anything 
more than servants. It is considered a bad sign to point to 
the sun or moon. When the sun or moon is in eclipse, it is 
believed that an evil being (qaqasbal) is biting them.^ A great 
noise is made to frighten the animal away. The children are 
struck so that they will cry.^ No trace of this idea can be 
found among the Lacandones. The former belief that a great 
noise must be made is found among the Mexicans. Its origin 
may possibly be traced to them. 

There are a great number of spirits among the Mayas of the 
present time who are ill-disposed toward men. Stabai is a term 
used both by the Lacandones and the Mayas both now and at 
the time of the Conquest. It is given by Brasseur de Bourbourg 
as a god of the chase. Among the Lacandones, it is a goddess 
residing in the rocks of the forest. Among the Mayas, it is the 
name given to a class of demons of snake form living in caves. 
They lie in wait, ready to spring out in human form and capture 
men. These they carry into the underworld, or throw them 
into a eeyiote. They are sometimes female in form, and sit in 
the forks of trees combing their hair. The YoyoltSe are in the 
same class as the Stabai. Each of their steps is half a league 
in length. They walk in the night and shake the houses as 
they pass. The Pulahoob ^ are a class of spirits corresponding 

1 When the sun is in eclipse, the expression is tun t§ibi Yumqin. 

2 Cf. Cogolludo, 1688, Bk. IV, Ciiap. 4: "En los eclipses de Sol, y Luna, 
usan por tradition de sus passados, hazer que sus perror ahuUen, 6 lloren, 
pellizcandolos el cuerpo, 6 las orejas, y d^n golpes en las tablas, y bancos, y 
puerta. Dizen que la Luna se muere, b la pican un genero de hormiga, que 
Hainan Xulab." For similar account, see Aguilar, 1688, p. 73. 

3 Literally Pulahoob means the throwers out. The Spanish term is hechicero, 
a witch. 

Cf. Aguilar, 1639, p. 74: " Tambien ay Indios hechizeros que con ensalmas 



RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 159 

to our idea of witches. They are employed to work evil 
toward wrongdoers. Their power can be exerted only over 
evil. If a person is supposed to be a murderer, and the family 
of the murdered man want him killed if he be the guilty one, 
one of the hechiceros (pulahoob) is invoked, and a small human 
figure in clay is made. In this effigy a thorn is placed either 
in the head or heart. This is then secretly buried in the door- 
way of the supposed murderer's hut. As he passes over it, he 
immediately becomes ill. If the man in question is guilty, he 
dies ; otherwise he recovers. If one desires to send calentura 
to punish a wrongdoer, cJiili is rubbed on the clay figure to be 
buried. Another method of punishing a culprit is to place 
poison in his food, other than in anything made of corn. This 
composes the main offering of food made to the gods, and there- 
fore is not suited to be used in such a connection. If the per- 
son who eats the poisoned food is guilty, vomiting forth 
tarantulas, snakes, earth, ashes, and pieces of crystal, he finally 
dies in great agony. If, on the other hand, he is innocent, the 
poison does him no harm. 

The spirits of cold, Yumikeel, and of heat, Yumqaq or 
Yumtaikwil, are evil in nature. They are the ones who send 
fevers of many kinds. There is a spirit, called Paqok, who 
wanders around in the night and attacks women. There are 
spirits of evil everywhere and all are waiting to work harm 
unless certain charms are carried and rites performed to coun- 
teract their mischievous inclinations. 

Ceremonies. — There are no remains of idols among the 
Mayas. Incense-burners are found, but they are simple bowls 
with no suggestion of a head attached, as we have seen exist- 
ing among the Lacandones. Some of the incense-burners are 
made in the form of animals with the bowl for burning copal 



curan a las mordidos, o picados de viboras, y culebras, que ay infinitas de casca- 
bel ; los quales rabian, y se les pudren, las cames, y mueren. Y el remedio, 
que les di, por averlo oido, es que bevan escrementos de hombre, o el ^umo 
de limones ..." 



160 3fAYAS AND LACANDONES 

on the back of the creature (cf. PL XIX, Fig. 1), The santos^ 
possessed by the Mayas of the present time are furnished by 
the Catholic Church. There is a rite, much of which is native 
in character, now carried on before these pictures of the saints 
which have taken the place of the idols of the Lacandones. 
This rite is called hahaltan. Clay incense-burners are made in a 
bowl shape and in these live coals and copal are placed. Palm 
leaves are used to scatter the smoke of the incense, but not, 
as among the Lacandones, to carry away any of the beneficial 
effect of the presence of the god (p. 121). The priest or 
leader of the rite takes the bowl of smoking incense in his 
hand as he prays. When there is no olla, a piece of bark is 
used in which to burn the copal. A hot§ilip is made as a 
further offering to the santo. This is a pole on which there 
are a graduated series of shelves or platforms, the smaller 
being at the top. Each of these shelves holds offerings of food 
for the santo, among which are figures of birds made of bread 
(tiitSiwa). 

A ceremony of thanksgiving (uhanlikol^) is performed among 
the Mayas similar in some respects to that existing among the 
Lacandones at the time when the first fruits of the milpa are 
offered to the gods (p. 103). This rite among the Mayas is 
celebrated in the field after the harvest of corn is gathered. 
BaltSe, similar in all respects to that made by the Lacandones, is 
made at a place somewhere outside the domestic hut several 
days before the rite is to occur. Chili is added to the honey 
and the baltge bark. Nine jiearas of the drink are prepared 
and a pile of large and thick tortillas (tutiwa). Between each 
two of the tortillas there are jDlaced either frejoles, cooked and 
mashed, or pepita (sikil), the seeds of the calabasa. On the 
topmost tortilla of this sandwich-like mass, a cross is made with 
the pressure of the finger. This tutiwa is then placed in the 

1 This is the same word used among the Mexicans of Chiapas in referring to 
the incense-burners of the Lacandones. 

- This term is formed from the root of the verb to eat, hanal, and the word 
for milpa, kol. Literally, it means the milpa, its offering of food. 



BELIGION OF THE MAYAS 161 

middle of a table in the field where the corn is grown. Around 
this pile of nine tortillas, dishes of deer meat are placed, together 
with cigars made of the first tobacco of the year rolled in corn 
husks, and the nine jicaras of baltse. In addition to these 
offerings, several tortillas are placed in a large earthen alia and 
on top of these a meat soup is poured together with baitSe, 
finally the livers of several chickens are deposited on top of 
the mass in the olla and above these the two feet of a hen.^ 

A bit of the contents of each of the dishes is thrown to the 
east, south, west, and north as a gift to the spirits residing in 
the four quarters of the sky. A chant is then made, and all the 
saints of each pueblo are invited to come and partake of the 
offering. After the prayer, each man comes, and, as he kneels 
down in front of the table, the priest places a part of the tortilla 
in his mouth and gives him some of the baitSe to drink. Here 
we find the transition stage between the rite as described as 
performed among the Lacandones (p. 130) and the office of 
communion as carried out by the Christian Church. A dish of 
the meat and a piece of the tutiwa are finally given to each one 
present, when the regular feasting begins. 

As among the Lacandones, the daily routine of life is filled 
with religious rites which recur as uniformly as the seasons. 
Toward the close of the period of drought, before the milpa can 
be burned properly, a rite must be performed invoking the 
spirits of the wind to come so that the fire may spread and a 
good burning be the result. This rite is called usakaikol.^ 
A shelf is made in the milpa of poles stretching between the 
trees. On this, facing the east, nine jicaras of posol are placed 
(PI. XIX, Fig. 1). Directly behind the gourds of posol, a 
cross of two sticks is set up in the ground (PI. XIX, Fig. 2). 

1 Cf. Landa, 1864, p. 254 : " En medio ponian un gran manojo de varillas secas 
atadas, y enhiestas, y quemando primero de su encienso en el brazero, pegavan 
fuego a las varillas, y en tanto que ardian, sacavan con liberalidad los cora- 
gones a las aves y anlmales, y echavanlos a quemar en el fuego." 

2 Literally, the meaning is the milpa (kol), its offering of posol (saka). 
This posol must be made of the corn from the ends of the cob. 



162 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

This serves as a medium by which the posol is given to the 
spirit owners of the field, Ahkananqasob. 

This offering is left for a few hours and the fires are started. 
After they are well under way, the burners return to the offer- 
ing of posol and the owner of the milpa spatters with the end of 
a leaf a particle of the contents of each jicara to the east, south, 
west, and north. There is no chant in this rite. After the 
spirits in the four cardinal points have thus been given an 
offering, the posol is drunk and the work of burning continues. 

A similar offering of posol is often made after the corn is 
planted. This is to propitiate the rain gods, YumtSakob, so 
that they will come and bring the rain. 

A more general ceremony for rain, called tSatSak, is entered 
into by all the people of a pueblo at the time of a great drought. 
Each contributes his share of corn, honey, frejoles, and pepita. 
The corn is ground and made into nine large tortillas, and the 
other gifts are placed between the different tortillas. This 
offering, together with dishes of meat, is placed in a field as in 
the rite of uhanlikol. All the men then make a noise like the 
toads (muts), after which a small portion of the offerings is 
scattered to the four cardinal points. A general feasting then 
begins. 

A simple offering of posol is made near the house before the 
departure on any extended hunting trip. The posol is for the 
owners of the animals, A^kanabaltSeob. This rite is called 
us5kaiDon.i A short chant is made at the departure and again 
on the return. 

There is a rather elaborate ceremony carried out, usually in 
January, in behalf of the cattle. This is called by the half 
Maya, half Spanish, name Locorral? This rite, now performed 
for the domestic herds, probablj^ had its rise in a similar rite 
directed to slightly different ends. A quantity of baltSe is 
made and a pole (pabitie) is planted in the center of the corral. 
"Wantul, the spirit who guards the cattle, is supposed to come 

1 Literally, the meaning is the gun (oon), its (u) offering of posol (saka). 

2 Cf. Garcia, 1905, pp. 63-68. 



RELIGION OF THE MAYAS 163 

and hover around the pole during the celebration of the rite. 
The lasso (tapkani) of Wantul, made of a bejuco, is placed on 
the pole. A man goes far into the forest with a gourd of 
baltSe. He bellows like an ox as he goes along. Two vaqueros 
go in search of the ox-man. As soon as they find him, they 
lasso him and bring him back to the corral. He is tied to the 
pole, after which he is released and immediately begins to kick 
and behave in the manner of a wild bull. He is lassoed again 
and is given twenty-five cuts with the end of the lariat. All 
the men present also strike the unruly ox-man. The priest 
then recites a short chant. He spatters the balt§e carried by 
the man who impersonates the ox in the direction of the four 
cardinal points and then gives it to all those present, when the 
rite closes. 

There is a ceremony in behalf of the caretakers of the bees, 
Ukanansugob, called Uhanlikab. Posol is placed in i\iQ jiearas 
in the same way as in the rite in the milpa (p. 160). 

The rites of divination are no less important a factor in the 
life of the Maya of the present time than in that of the 
Lacandone. The Catholic priests have done much to stamp 
out this custom, but it is to be found, however, as are many of 
the other rites, only in the less densely populated parts of the 
peninsula. All the divinatory rites must necessarily be per- 
formed by a man skilled in the use of the different means of 
divination. This class of men is called in Spanish yerhateros, 
and in Maya men, meaning to understand, to know how. It is 
they who are skilled in the use of the herbs and medicines of 
the country. They are also versed in the means em]3loyed to 
look into the future and forecast coming events. 

The most common way to predict the future is by a crystal 
(sastun or sashom), which is supposed to contain a virgin. The 
rock must first of all be awakened to consciousness. This is 
done by placing it in a vessel containing baltse. The men then 
holds it to the light. Clouds may sometimes be seen in it, 
it is said, and in these the priest reads the future. When a 
crystal is lacking, eighteen grains of corn (wo'') are used in 



164 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

much the same way. They are made to live by offering five 
jicares of posol for nine days to the Yumbalamob occupying the 
first heaven. After this, each grain is held up separately and 
examined before a lighted candle. They are then made into 
two groups of nine each and thrown on the floor. The men 
reads the future in the relative positions they take as they fall 
from his hand. 

A ring is sometimes used for divination. It is placed in a 
vessel containing baltse, tobacco, and nine leaves of a tree called 
in Spanish hoja de viento. In the movements of the ring among 
the leaves, the future is foretold. In this again we find the 
number nine an important factor in the rite. In all the offer- 
ings there seem to be two jicaras, two tortillas, two grains of 
corn, or two leaves for each of the four cardinal points, and one 
for the heavens directly above, thus making nine in all. 

Sickness of many kinds is supposed to be cured by virtue of 
the properties contained in fire kindled by two sticks (p. 133). 
This new fire is called by the names of one of the gods, 
Suhuiqaq. A stone heated in this fire imbues water with a 
magical power to cure calentura.^ 

We find, as we have seen, much of importance still preserved 
in the life and customs of the natives of Yucatan and the 
country to the southward. I have tried to bring out through- 
out this paper the results of European contact upon what was 
once in all probability a homogeneous people, the Mayas under 
the influence of Spanish rule since the earliest days of the 
Conquest and the Lacandones who have singularly been left to 
themselves after the first vain attempts at Christianizing them. 

The remarkable preservation of the native Maya language in 
Yucatan, together with the dress and many domestic customs, 
to say nothing of the survivals of the native religious ideas 
throughout the peninsula, points to a wonderful vitality, and 
to some inherent power against any change, which is possessed 

1 Starr (1002, a, pp. 15-22) gives a number of cases of religious ideas among 
the Mayas at the present time regarding charms and the cure of diseases. 
Cf. also Garcia, 1905, and 1905, a, and Palma y Palma, 1901, 



BELIGION OF THE MAYAS 165 

in a rare degree by the Mayas of Yucatan. If, in language, 
dress and in much of the religion, survivals are found among 
the civilized Mayas of the north, it may rightfully be expected 
that among the Lacandones, than whom no people in Mexico 
and Central America has been more free from outside influence, 
we should find a far closer relation between the former culture 
and that existing at the present time. I have tried to point 
out the more relevant of these survivals, the pilgrimages to the 
ruined cities, the use of the stone idols and clay incense-burners, 
the latter being renewed at certain intervals, the copal nodules 
found in the ruins and also in use to-day, the ear cut with the 
stone knife, compulsory drunkenness, survivals of the names 
of many of the gods, identity of rites pictured in the codices 
with those celebrated at the present time, and the similarity 
in the character of the offerings. Thus we might go on find- 
ing more and more examples of survivals in the life of the 
Mayas and the Lacandones. But in spite of all this, the 
Mayas, and more especially the Lacandones, are very low in 
the scale of culture. They have no creative genius whatso- 
ever, nor have they appreciation for anything artistic. If these 
people are the descendants of those of master minds who con- 
ceived and carried out the ancient culture found throughout 
the country, it is hard to explain why the temples and sculp- 
tures in their midst do not serve to keep up or even to revive 
any latent power which it would seem they ought to possess. 
But among the Lacandones and Mayas as well, there is no one, 
as far as can be made out, who is able to give us the slightest 
possible aid in deciphering the hieroglyphic inscriptions. Their 
mind is a blank upon this subject, not, I am sure, from any 
desire of secrecy, but from absolute ignorance. I have tried 
in every way that human ingenuity can devise to test the 
Lacandones on their knowledge of the hieroglyphic writing, and 
all without results. I then repeat, that I feel positive that it 
is not due to an unwillingness to disclose knowledge forbidden 
to an outsider, but to pure ignorance, that my attempts have 
met with failure. 



166 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

We have, I think, an exiihanation for this. The culture was 
far in its decline at the time of the Spanish Conquest. Some 
of the ruined cities in northern and eastern Yucatan were un- 
doubtedly occupied at this time, but to the southward, the 
ruined centers of Copan, Quirigua, and Palenque were buried 
in the depths of the forest, and all their life and activities had 
ceased long before the Spaniards came into the country. In- 
tense civil strife and warfare with the Nahuas and more bar- 
baric tribes to the north and with the Central American tribes 
to the south were one of the causes of this decline in the life 
of the Mayas. But there is another reason, which goes far 
towards explaining the ignorance of the Lacandones of any- 
thing pertaining to the question of the hieroglyphs. The 
early Spanish accounts speak almost without exception of this 
knowledge of the hieroglyphic writing being a possession only 
of the priestly class and of a few of the nobles, and conversely, 
that it was not shared by the common people.^ The priests 

1 Lizana, 1633 (quoted by Brinton, 1882, a, p. xxi): "La historia y autores 
que podemos alegar son unos antiguos caracteres, inal entendidos de muchos, y 
glossados de unos indios antiguos, que son hijos de los sacerdotes de sus dioses, 
que son los que solo sabian leer y adivinar, y a quien creian y reverenciavan 
como a Dioses destos. ' ' 

Ponce, p. 392 : " Estas letras y caracteras no las entendian, sino los sacerdotes 
de los idolos (que en aquella lengua se Uaman 'ahkines'), y algun indio 
principal.'" 

Landa, 1864, p. 42 : " Que los de Yucatan fueron tan curiosos en las cosas de 
la religion como en las del govierno, y que tenian un gran sacerdote que llama- 
van Ahkin-Mai, y por otro nombre Ahau-Can-Mai, que quiere dezir el Sacer- 
dote Mai o el Gran Sacerdote Mai, y que este era muy reverenciado de los 
senores el qual no tenia repartimiento de indios, pero que sin las offendas, le 
hazian presentes los senores y que todos los sacerdotes de los pueblos le con- 
tribuian : y que a este le succedian en la dignidad sus hijos y parientes mas 
cercanos, y que en este estava la Have de sus sciencias, y que en estas tratavan 
lo mas, y que davan consejo a los senores y respuestas a sus preguntas ; y que 
cosas de los sacrificios pocas vezes las tratava sino en fiestas muy principales, 
o en negocios muy importantes ; y que este proveia de sacerdotes a los pueblos 
quando faltavan, examinandoles en sus sciencias y cerimonias, y que les encar- 
gava las cosas de sus officios y el buen exemplo del pueblo y proveya de sus 
libros y los embiava, y que estos attendian al servicio de los templos, y a en- 
senar sus sciencias y escrivir libros de ellas. Que ensefiavan los hijos de los sacer- 
dotes, y a los hijos segundos de los senores que llevavan para esto desde ninos, 
si veian se inclinavan a este officio. Que las sciencias que ensefiavan eran le 



RELIGION OF THE MATAS 167 

and the members of the higher classes did not submit without 
a struggle to the conditions of practical slavery imposed upon 
them by the Spanish conquerors. Moreover it was the special 
desire of the Spanish priests to stamp out all remembrance of 
the native religion, and this was only possible by first putting 
an end to those possessing this dangerous knowledge. As a 
consequence we have at the present time no one remaining 
whose duty it is to keep alive this ancient teaching of the 
hieroglyphic writing. 

On the other hand, the larger dependent class, without whose 
labor the great artificial pyramids and elaborate working in 
stone would have been impossible, would naturally have an 
acquaintance with the ceremonial side of the religion without 
possessing a knowledge of the fundamental conceptions under- 
lying it, as would be expressed by the hieroglyphic writing. 
This element in the population has as its descendant the 
Lacandones of the present time, who have kept up what there 
is yet remaining of the former rites. We find, as we have seen, 
the ceremonial side still existing in the many survivals, but as 
for explanations touching upon the deeper significance of the 
religion and reasons for the line of thought necessary to ex- 
plain the hieroglyphic writing, we meet with disappointment. 

We pass from the long and slow beginnings in the far-dis- 
tant past to the culmination of the culture still in the past and 
far on its way downward when the first Spaniard set his foot 
on this continent. From the heights reached in the develop- 
ment of the hieroglyphic system and noted in the remains of 
the ruined structures found throughout Yucatan and Central 
America, we come to what we find to-day, a few scattered 
families living out their own lives, hidden in the depths of the 
forest, alone and forgotten. 

cuenta de los aiios, meses y dias, las fiestas y cerimonias, la administracion de 
sus sacramentos, los dias y tiempos fatales, sus maneras de adivinar y sus pro- 
phecias, los acaecimientos, y remedios para los males, y las antiguedades. y leer y 
escrivir con sus libros y carateres con los quales escrivian y con figuras que 
significavan las escrituras." 



CHANTS 
TEXT AND TRANSLATION 

No. 1 

A set of bow and arrows offered to the gods when a boy arrives at the 

age of puberty 

He kin t§akuntiki u halal,^ Yume ^ 

I am about to redden his set of bow and arrows, O father. 

He u halal in oen* Yume Tsihi 

See his set of bow and arrows my son, oh father. When he is 

ku qasi^ ket§. TSihi 

grown, he will make offerings to you. When he is grown, 

ku oa teti huun Yume. 

he will give you an offering of a fillet, oh father. 

No. 2 

Eclij^se of sun 

Siptak Yume ^ ma " ubalal hun 

Most excellent father, do not permit to be hidden the one 
qaq.8 Hoqok taktal hen bortikets 

fire. Come out, warmth, I will pay you (with an offering), 

siptak Yume. Hoqok taktal oroil, inwilik yum 

most excellent father. Come out, warmth, poor, I see the god 

uSutan. Manan insipil. Ma tin takal,^ 

pinched. In nothing have I erred. I do not associate with 

1 To make red spots of achiote as a sign that they are offered to the gods. 

2 Uhal or uhalal is the same as uhulul, his set (juego). 

3 This is a title given to all the gods and refers to the one to whom the offer- 
ing in question is made. 

* From the word pentik to bring up, to rear. The sentence reads, see my 
son's set of bow and arrows. 

5 Literally, the meaning is growing up, he will remind you (by means of 
offerings). 

6 This refers to Nohotiakyum, who has the sun for his servant. 

'' The negative has the idea of prohibition. The verb is in the passive. 
8 This is a name given to the sun. He is also called Yumqin. 
8 The form takal is intransitive ; literally, I am not an associate. 



170 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

Yume ma tin takik in lak^ 

any one, O father, I do not associate with ray companions, O 
Yume. 
father. 



No. 3 

Divination for name of god whose presence is desired 

Qerqert§kanina - kai yal u tan ^ kani * kai 

for him to tell his name in the sky, for him to 

yal u tan tin qer ma umamao tani 

tell his name in my hand, do not permit to be false the name 

tin qer. Mat§ en pokbeni ^ u tan 

in my hand. Take possession of me, to be received his name, 

ma umamao tani tin qer kai yal 

do not permit to be false the name in my hand, for him to tell 

u tan kani oiilan ^ yal u tan 

his name in the sky, in the home of the gods, tell his name 

tin qer yal u tan kani. Ma 

in my hand, tell his name in the sky. Do not permit him 
tuoik en'' tin qerki. Osilan yal u 

to lie to me in my hand. In the home of the gods, tell his 
tan. Oiilan pokben iqi^ 

word. In the home of the gods, to be received the message. 

Mats en. Kiantie^ kolki, lo 

Take possession of me. Inside (is) the stem 

Kai yal u tan tin qer. Maben umulik 

For him to tell his word in my hand. May he not hide it 

1 Very often a plural form is not used when a plural sense is clearly shown. 

2 This term is incapable of translation. It probably denotes the action of the 
divinatory rite. Qer is the word used among the Lacandones for hand rather 
than the usual form qab. 

3 The division into syllables is purely arbitrary. 

* It is difficult in all cases to explain the addition of the vowel i at the end of 
words. 

5 Pokben is equivalent to "qamben. 

6 In Yucatan, the term osilal is given to the home of the spirits who own the 
bees. 

' Literally, to lie me. The form is transitive. 

8 Literally iq means the wind. 

9 This word is omitted when the second form of the divinatory rite is under- 
taken. There are other slight differences. 

1" The name of the god about whom the intelligence is desired is inserted at 
this place. 



CHANTS 171 

tin qer. KukitSker. Kuhaul 

(the word) in my hand. He tells the truth. He is concluding 
u tan tin qer. Heu likike hei wai yu tal. Kuhaul 

his word in my hand. He will rise if it is good. He is con- 

u tan tin qer. 
eluding his word in my hand. 

No. 4 

Divination for name of offering desired by the gods 

TSulai wa ku qatik'^ yum. 

An offering of posol if he may care for it, the god. An 

TSula wa ku piboltik yum. Bal 

offering of posol if he may desire it, the god. Anything (as) 

u matan ku qatik, Yumki.^ Ba§ ku qatik, tSula? 

his gift he may like, O god. What does he like, an offering 

Bag ku oiboltik, tSula? 

of posol? What does he desire, an offering of posol? He 
Heiulikil,* heiuyuStal.^ Hen 5 bortiketS in 

raises himself, he is reanimated. I will pay to you my offer- 

tSula tetS. 

ing of posol to you. 

No. 5 

Distribution of copal in the braseros during the process of the manufac- 
ture of the new incense-burners. 

Tan in kubik ^ in pom ketS tiala 

I am restoring my offering of copal to you for you (in turn) 
kubik tik'' yum tiala nasiks,^ 

to restore it to the father (your master), for you to raise it up 

1 This is an example of the sort of chant given to ascertain if the god or gods 
are willing to accept an offering of posol. The name of the other offerings 
is inserted in this place in turn. 

- The idea is if he has a taste for it. 

3 It is hard to explain the presence of the vocative when all the verbs are in 
the third person. 

* This probably refers to the supposed readiness of the god in question to 
give an answer to the qnestioninfr. 

^ Hen, a contraction for he-in. 

s The idea is of giving back as an offering of thanks and a prayer for con- 
tinued blessings a part of that originally sent by the gods. 

'' Kubik tik is equivalent to kubtik. 

8 The food is given to the spirit represented by the oUa who acts as a servant 
to carry the offering to the god represented by the idol within the oUa. 

" Nasik is equivalent to naksik. 



172 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

tik yum. Hen bortiketS in tiula tetS 

to the father. I will pay you my offering of eopal to you 

uhel a kunya tiala kubtik yum. 

again for your welfare for you to restore it to the father. 

Hen bortiket§ in tsula tet§ tiala tilili.^ 

I will pay you my offering of copal to you for you yourself. 

Tan in mertik in sil tet§ki ^ uhel a 

I am making my gifts to you again for your 

kunya. Bininkin ^ pok in sil teti, ma tu 

welfare. I am about to dry my gifts to you, may they not 

buhul ma ulakal u hoi in sil 

crumble, may they not separate (as to) their heads, my gifts 

tetS,* ma tu wakal in sil tet§, ma tu 

to you, may they not crack, my gifts to you, may they not 
paSal in sil tet§. II ^ in mertik in sil tet§, 

break, my gifts to you. See me making my gifts to you, O 
Yume. Ma tu lubul tSakwilki. Bininkin pulik 

god. May not fall (upon me) fever. I am about to place 
etS yoko tumu lak.*^ II in mertik in sil 

you (the idol^ in the new brasero. See me making my gifts 

teti uhel a kunya. II in mertik in sil 

to you again for your welfare. See, I am making my gifts to 
tetS tia yol in palal. Ma u nSktantik 

you for the health (of) my children. May not trample (them) 
yahil, ma u n^ktantik keel, 

under foot any harm, may not trample them under foot cold, 
ma u naktantik tiakwil. Orqen, ta Sibal '',^ 

may not trample them under foot fever. Enter, walk, 
a wilik in pal, akune in pal. 

see my son, cure my son. 

1 A part of the offering is also given to the spirit of the brasero, represented 
by the head, for his own consumption. 

2 The name of the god to whom the offering is being made is inserted here. 

3 Literally, I am going. 

* Freely, may the heads of my gifts to you not separate from the bowls. 

s II is the root of the verb to see. It is joined so closely to the personal pro- 
noun as almost to constitute one form of pronoun. 

^ Literally, oUa. 

' The quick change from the first infinitive to finite forms cannot be ex- 
plained. 

^ Sibal is equivalent to simbal. 



CHANTS 



173 



No. 6 

An offering of posol placed in jicaras before the line of braseros 
Taninkubik in tSula tet§ tial a kubik 

I am restoring my offering of posol to you for you to restore 

it' to fatl'er. (The remainder of the chant follows No. 5 in 
the main.) 

No. 7 

An offering of posol administered to the braseros 

In t&ula tet§ Yume tan in lutiik ^ 

My offering of posol to you, O father, I am dippnig out 

ta tii uhel akunya, tiala tal 

upon your lip again for your welfare, for you to come and 

akunik in palal, tiala yemen.3 uboli a wok tiala 

charm my sons, for you to descend. Retard your feet in order 

wukik in tSula* tet&. In tSula 

to drink my offering of posol to you. My offering ot posol to 
tet§ Yume, tan in oaik tets tiala kubik tik 

you, O father, I am giving you for you to restore it to the 
yum. In tSula tet§ Yume, tan in oaik 

father. My offering of posol to you, O father, I am giving 

tet§ tiala tilili uhel a kunya. TSae le 

it to you for you yourself again for your wellare. lake this 

tiula tiala kub tik yum. T§ae le 

offering oi posol for you to restore it to the father. lake this 

tSula tiala tilili. Tiae le tSula 

offering oi posol for you yourself. Take this offering ot posol 

1 When an offering of posol is placed during the making of the milpa the 
chant is as follows : — 

Tiliken kustal in qas et§. Ma in t§ak m wok. 

1 alone am enjoying life, 1 sacrifice to you. Do not allow me to cut my foot. 

'l^;?nS,fr„'"S». /o^Si, I have S!'h. Do ^ot allow the b„ut!°o1 
tsete utsuntSe. Tan in mertik in kol, kuookul 

my foot to injure, a sharp stick. I am making my milpa, when it is hnished I 

kin qasik etS. 

will sacrifice to you. . . 

2 This word is used when it is desired to express the act of dipping some- 
thing out of a vessel with a spoon. 

3 One would expect the form wemen in the second person. 

4 As each time "my offering of posoV' is said, a particle of the liquid is 
placed on the mouth of the brasero. 



174 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

tiala ku matan. T§ae le tSula uhel a 

for you, his gift. Take this offering of posol again for your 

kunya, tial u ku§tal, in palal. T§ae le 

welfare, in behalf of them enjoying life, my sons. Take this 

tSula tial u ^ kuStal in watan, Tiae 

offering of posol in behalf of her enjoying life, my wife. Take 

le tiula tial in kuStal tiliken - in 

this offering of posol in behalf of me enjoying life, I alone I 

qas eti. 

sacrifice to you. 

No. 8 

An offering of. posol administered to the brasero of Usukun. 

Tan in lutsik ta tSi, Usukun, Yume in 

I am dipping out upon your mouth, Usukun, my father, my 
tSula. 
offering of posol. 

No. 9 

An offering of posol offered at the east of the sacred hut 

Tal u hoi 3 tetS Yume mutgite tial 
(Here) comes its top to you, O father, accept it for the 

yol in palal, in Yume. Tial yol * in watan 

health (of) my sons, my father. For the health (of) my wife 

tiala makik tiala wukik. Tsae le tiula 

for you to eat, for you to drink. Take up this offering of posol 

tiala matan. 
for your gift. 

No. 10 
An offering of posol administered to the hraseros on the shelf 
(The chant is the same as that given before Usukun, No. 8, 
with the name of the god in question substituted for Usukun.) 

No. 11 

An offering of posol administered to the drum, Qaiyum 
(The chant is the same as No. 8, with Qaiyum substituted 
for Usukun.) 

1 The pronoun is really the subject of the verb, which is not a participle in form. 

2 The objective pronoun ; literally, I am alone. 

3 Literally, its head. 

* As each phrase is spoken a particle is spattered. 



CHANTS 175 

No. 12 

Palm leaves distributed to the participants in the rite 

Mutsite pok a baki.i 

Take (the leaves),warm (in the fire of the incense) your /(leaves). 

Bininka oipite a sil.^ 

I am going to cleanse your gifts, (may I ?) 

No. 13 

Palm leaves held over the smoke of the burnmg incense 

Tan in tsuk a buoil, tian i -woli, tiliken 

I am absorbing your smoke, for this I am well, I myself am 
kuital. In qas eti. Ma u tsiken kan. 

enjoying life. I sacrifice to you. INIay not bite me the serpent. 

Ma u tsiken balum. Tian i -woli. 

May not bite me the tiger. For this I am well. (Cause to) 
Pate yahil.3 Pate t§akwil. Ma u naktantik 

cease evil. (Cause to) cease fever. May not trample under 

yahil, tiani yol,* in palal. Ma u 

foot evil (my sons), for this they are well, my sons. May not 

nSk tantik tsakwil, tiani yol.* in 

trample (my sons) under foot fever, for this they are well, my 
palal tiani yol in watan. 

sons, for this she is well, my wife. 

No. 14 

Chant over a young boy with the palm leaves consecrated in the smoke of 

the incense 

Kune 5 in pal, in yume, upate ^ yahil, 

Guard my son, my father, (cause to) cease any evil, (cause 

1 The meaning of the phrase is clear, but the exact significance of ba is not 
clear. 

- The sentence is addressed to each man, and each is supposed to answer Bai, 
yes. 

^ There is a very interesting parallel in a single line of a prayer noted by Mar- 
gil, 1696. "Ofrecen copal diciendo, Macom, ilia hau tzaon (oa on) an apom. 
Macon (evidently, from the context, the name of one of the idols) no nos aparees 
ay esta tu copal." 

* Freely, as a result of the freedom from evil and fever, they are well now, and 
the prayer is directed toward the future. 

o Guard or charm. 

6 1 cannot explain the presence of the vowel u at the beginning of the form. 
The form seems to be imperative. 



176 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

upate tsakwil. Ma a siptik^ unSktantik 

to) cease fever. Do not injure (by having) trample him under 

yahil. Ma a siptik unaktantik 

foot evil. Do not injure (by having) trample him under foot 
tSakwil. Ma a siptik ut&ibite kan 

fever. Do not injure (by having) bite him (my son) the serpent 

in pal. 2 Ma a siptik ukimin. Tu ku baial 

my son. Do not injure (by sending) death. He is playing, 

in pal. 8 TSihi ku 9aik tet§ tiula 

my son. When he is grown up, he will give you an offering of 

ku oaik tets pom. TSihi 

posol, he will give you an offering of coiml. When he is grown 

ku oaiktetg wa. TSihi 

up, he will give you an offering of tortillas. When he is grown 

ku oaik tet§ huun. \^ Tsihi 

up, he will give you an offering of fillets. When he is grown 

ku qas etS.*' 

up, he will sacrifice to you. 

No. 15 
A jicara of posol distributed to each of the participants 

Kulen, wuk'^ in tiula tetS. 

Sit down, drink my offering of posol to you. 



No. 16 

Individual offering of a particle of the gift of posol 

Tal u hoi, tet§ in Yume, in t§ula 

(Here) comes its top to you, my father, my offering of posol 

1 The imperative does not seem to be used with ma when it has the idea of 
prohibition. This is all in the second person and is addressed to the god. Freely, 
do not allow evil to trample him (my son) under foot. In Chant No. 13, mau- 
naktantik is in the third person. Freely, may evil not trample (my sons) 
under foot. 

2 The usual order in Maya is verb, subject, object. 

8 The noun subject following the verb and in apposition to the pronoun ex- 
pressed in the verb is common in Maya. 

■* Huun, literally, is paper. It is used to designate the bark pounded out 
thin and used as fillets. 

5 The whole range of offerings is often mentioned. 

6 The chant used over the other members of the family does not differ greatly 
from that given over the son. 

' In Yucatan the imperative would drop the w. 



CHANTS 1'^'^ 

tetS tial yol in palal. tal u hoi tets, 

to you for the health (of) my sons. (Here) comes its top to you, 
in yume, tial yol in watan. 

my father, for the health (of) my wife. 

No. 17 

Chant given during the fermentation of the ceremonial drink 

Sameai hule ^ tin qer ^ samea^ 

The wood of the baltge pass over my hands, the wood ot tlie 
hule^ tin wok. Ten . '^^^ ^°1^"^;^ 

baltge pass over my feet. I am the one who carries out the olhce 

fpgjj wa ioalenki. 

of the first priest. I am the one who carries out the office of 
Ten tulin tSake. Ten 

the second priest. I am the one chosen to warm it. I am tlie 
tulin lokbanse.* Ten tulin pikuts^ 

one chosen to cause it to boil. I am the one chosen to stir it 
yete tgakau.6 Tin walki.^ Ten tin 

with a Stick. I am mixing it. I am the one wJio causes it 
lokbanse Ten "^^ bolen. 

to boil. ' I am the one wlio carries out the office of the first 

Ten "^^ ioalen. 

priest. I am the one who carries out 'the office of the second 

He in oake yasiko, larti^ malu^ qinam. 

priest. 1 will cure it (with) green chih, this relieves the pam. 
He in oake yast§awa,i« lartibaila tu tgital." 

I will cure it (with) - Indian c/«7i," this thus causes one to lie 
down. 

1 This is the name given to the tree the bark of which is called baltSe, and 
from the latter the ceremonial drink is made. 

■2 Hul is the root of the verb used when one is described as putting on his coat, 
hulik tin qer, or trousers, hulik tin wok. The idea is of passing somethmg 
over the hands and the feet. 

3 See Chant 3, note 1. •, -. * 

4 Labanse is equal to lokanse and is translated freely by the word ferment. 
6 Literally, to press away with the bottom of the foot. 

6 Tsakau is the wood called '' palo mulatto.''' 

7 Walki is equivalent to waltik, to place that which is below above, to stir. 
s Larti is equivalent to lerti. 

9 Malu, literally, "goodens." . . . 

10 A particle of the different kinds of chili is thrown into the balt§e as it is in 
the process of fermentation. Each is supposed to free the liquid of an evil effect 
coming as a result of drinking large quantities. 

11 There then follows a prayer to protect the fermenting liquor as it lies in the 
open log from the wasps and bees of all kinds who might come and drink some 
of the baltSe. This is considered to be especially displeasing to the gods and 
consequently harmful to men. 



178 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

No. 18 

Purification of the ceremonial drink contained in the hollow log 

Terpen !i Torp ! Ten tin t&istal,^ tiis 

Break! Break! I am making incense, incense (beside?) the 
tSen^ (be). Torpen! Torp! Ten tin malu Sehi.* 

hollow log. Break ! Break ! I am the one who relieves the vomit. 
Ten tin malu uyelaholal. Ten tin 

I am the one who relieves the burning headache. I am the one 

ma uqu^ ut§e utSem.^ 

who does not permit to get wet the sticks of the hollow log. 
Ten tin malu hup nak.'' 

I am the one who makes good the movements of the bowels. 

No. 19 
Purification of the nodules of copal 

Torpen ! Torp ! « In kinti. 9 KuSleno ! 

Break! Break! I am half warming (you). Be alive! 
Aheno ! i" Ma (ba) ka wenen amerte. Ten tin -wasa 

Awake ! Do not sleep (but) work. I am the one who awakened 

1 The idea is for the heat of the copal burned in the bark to cause the grains 
of corn heated in the fire to burst. The same word is used to describe the break- 
ing of an eggshell by the newly born chicken. 

2 TSlstal is equivalent to pultal. 

3 Literally, tiem is cayuco, the Spanish name given to the dugout canoes, 
which the hollow logs for holding the baltse greatly resemble. 

* The purification rite is supposed to free the ceremonial drink from all the 
evil effects coming as a consequence of drinking large quantities. 

5 The root qu or qui is equivalent to tsul, to wetten. 

6 Great care is taken not to wet the cross sticks (tseutsem) placed along the 
open top of the hollow log to prevent the covering of palm leaves falling into the 
contents of the log. 

^ There then follows a prayer that there be no constipation and a plea for 
the release from any other evil effects. Kisin, the inhabitant of the under world, 
is placated so that he will not become angry at having left on any portion of the 
ground the refuse of the body. 

8 Grains of corn are heated in the same way as in the purifying rite over the 
open log of baltse. See note 1, Chant No. 18. 

9 This and all that follows is addressed to the nodules of copal. 

1" I cannot explain the final o on these forms. There are many cases where 
there are additional sounds added to a form which cannot readily be explained. 
In other cases, sounds seem to be dropped. In the preceding word (kinti) the 
form would, according to the Maya of Yucatan, have a final k sound. 



CHANTS 179 

kutal. Ten tin lisa^ kutal tuyok 

(you) to life. I am the one who raised (you) up to life above 

sikal.2 Ten tin kustinta. Ten tin 

the board. I am the one who reanimated (you). 1 am the one 

wasa kutal. Ten tin lisa 

who awakened (you) to life. I am the one who raised (you) 

kutal. Ten tin taku baker. Ten 

up to life. I am the one who built up the skeleton. I am 

tin taku hoi. Ten tin taku 

the one who built up the head. 1 am the one who built up the 

satot. Ten tin taku tamen. Utenanets^ 

lungs. I am the one who built up the liver. Yov you an 

napdil.* UtenanetS wiobil.* Ten tin 

offering of baltge. For you an offering of baltSe. I am the one 

lisa kutal. Kusleno ! Aheno ! 

who raised (you) up to life. Awake ! Be alive ! 

No. 20 

An offering of baltie and cacao placed before the braseros 

Tan in nasik in ha^ tetS yetel u iau. 

I am raising up my offering of baltse to you with its cacao. 
Tan in oaik tets in ha tiala kubik tik 

I am giving 3^ou my offering of balt§e for you to restore it to the 
yum. Tan in oaik tets in ha tiala tilili.^ 

father. I am giving you my offering of posol for you yourself. 

No. 21 

An offering of bark fillets to the gods 

Hela tsae huunki. Tin lats kuntik ta'^ hoi 

Now accept the fillet. I am binding it around your head, 
uhel a kunya tiala kunik in palal. T^ihi, 

again for your welfare for you to guard my sons. When they 

1 Lis is the root of the verb meaning to pile up, and explains the process of 
making the nodules. The idea is that each is constructed similar to the human 
body with all of its organs. 

2 Sikal is the flat board on which the nodules rest. 

3 Utenanets is equivalent to utilalets and atQili. 

* These two terms are the names of special offerings of baltge. See p. 102. 

5 Literally, water. This is the term given in the chants to an offering of 
baltse. 

6 This chant follows No. 5 very closely. 

^ The t has a prepositional value and is not part of the possessive. 



180 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

in palal, ku qas et§. T§ae 

are grown up, my sons, they will sacrifice to you. Accept the 
huunki^ tiala kubtik yum. Tin lat§ kuntik 

fillets in order to restore it to the father. I am binding it around 

ta hoi tial kunik in watan u mertik maao, u mertik 

your head for you to guard my wife who makes posol, who makes 

wa. 
tortillas. 

No. 22 

BaltSe administered to the brnseros in behalf of the gods 

Ha 2 tan in lutsik ta tgi. 

An offering of baltse I am dipping out upon your mouth. 

Tan in oaiktets ha uhel a kunya 

I am giving you an offering of baltse again for your welfare 

tiala kubtik yum. Ha tan in 

for you to restore it to the father. An offering of baltie I am 

lutgik ta t§i tiala tilili, tiala tal 

dipping out upon your mouth for you yourself, for you to come 
awilik. Emen, ile. Tan in bortikets. Ha 

and see. Come down, observe. I am paying you. An offering 
tan in lutsik ta t§i tiala wukik, 

of baltSe I am dipping out upon your mouth for you to drink, 
uhel a kunya. Ha tan in oaik tetS 

again for your welfare. An offering of baltSe I am giving you 

ta t§i, uhel a kunya. UkuStal in, 

on 3'our mouth, again for your welfare. Are enjoying life, my 
palal. ha tan in oaik tet§. Uku§tal 

sons. An offering of baltse I am giving you. Is enjoying life, 
in watan. Ha tan in oaik tet§ ta tSi 

my wife. An offering of baltse I am giving you on your mouth 

uhel a kunya. In kuStal tiliken in qas 

again for your welfare. I am enjoying life I alone I sacrifice 

ets.3 
to you. 

1 The spirit of the brasero is addressed, and, as usual, asked to restore the 
offering to the god to whom he is dependent. 

2 See p. 179, n. 6. 

3 There is a part following which is the same as the last part of Chant No. 7, 
with the change of the word tSula to ha. 



CHANTS 181 

No. 23 

An offering of balt§e at the east of the sacred hut 
CThis is the same as Chant No. 9, with the change of the 
word tSula to ha.) 

No. 24 
Ajicara of baltse distributed to each of the participants 
(This is the same as Chant No. 15, with the change of the 
word tgula to ha or pokba.) 

No. 25 

Answer of those receiving the gift of baltse 

Bai, hen wukike keti. 
Yes, I will drink to you. 

No. 26 

A jicara of baltSe given to each of the members of the family of the leader 
of the rite 

Uken! 

Drink! (The answer is simply Bai, yes.) 

No. 27 

Individual offering of a small jjortion of the gift of baltse 
(This is the same as Chant No. 16, with the change of the 
word tsula to ha.) 

No. 281 

Buliwa offered to the hraseros in behalf of the gods 

Tiba buliwa, norwa, 

In person, (accept) the offering of taniales, the offering of thick 

heretswa,"^ baha heretsw^ati,^ 

tortillas, the offering of tortillas, many an offering of tortillds, 

yumbiliwati, oubiliwati,^ 

an offering of tortillas folded in leaves, an offering of thick 

1 In the chants which are characterized by a slow delivery there is an almost 
total absence of grammatical structure. (See p. 130.) 

2 Herets is equivalent to hurutg, from huts, to grind. 

3 Syllables are often added to fill out the measure. 

* These are all terms for different combinations of offerings of corn. 



182 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

kakotgwa, 
tortillas folded in leaves, tortillas divided in halves, tortillas 

oSkotSwa bahuntqin, bahunthaap. 

divided in thirds, for many days, for many years (have I olfered 

them). 

No. 29 

Balt§e offered to the hraseros in behalf of the gods 

Tiba norkite, ba norkite, 

In person receive with pleasure, thus receive with pleasure, 

ba natSo boki, ba natio bukarutSkii norkite, 

thus far is the odor, thus far is the odor of vanilla, receive with 

umanen eti kuital.^ 

pleasure, causes it to come to you the fact of its being alive. 
Umanen etS iq, bahuntqin bahunt 

Causes it to come to you the wind, for many days, for many 
haap. Umanen et§ kuStal 

years. Causes it to come to you the fact of its being alive, 

umanen ets iq. Norkite 

causes it to come to you the wind. Receive with pleasure, 
ba nat§o bukaruti, ba natio boki.^ 

thus far is the odor of vanilla, thus far is the odor. 

No. 30 

The nodules of copal about to be offered to the gods 

Bininka nasik in sil. 

I am going to raise up my gifts. 

No. 31 

The nodules of copal offered at the east of the ceremonial hut 

Tan in nasik in sil teti tial a w^emen awilik in 

I am raising up my gifts to you for you to descend and see my 
sil.* Tan in tit§ik tet§ in sil tial a 

gifts. I am holding in my hands to you my gifts for you 

wemen awilik akanik. 

to descend and see and learn. 

1 The pod of the vanilla bean is added to the baltSe during fermentation. 

2 After fermentation sets in the baltSe is supposed to have life. 

3 There follow several words which are incapable of translation. 

■* Bahonqu is often added at this place. This term is applied to the gods 
taken collectively. 



CHANTS 



No. 32 



183 



The nodules of copal offered to the braseros inside the ceremonial hut in 
behalf of the gods 
Tiba yan gikalki tulis kisanki i 

In person (accept), here is the board of nodules full of ? 
. ,. qiqi. Yan sikalki 

fuu'of the gum of the rubber tree. Here is the board of nodules 
tulis kisanki, tulis ^ qiqi , ^ ^ suhuiqinki,^ 

full of ? full of the gum of the rubber tree, at daybreak, 

suliuiaqerki,8 selepqinki,* selepaqerki, 

at the beginning of night, in the afternoon, m the early morning, 

emennasbinqinki, ^ eraennasbinaqerki, 

the sun in its course from east to west, the night m its course, 
tSuyupqinki.s tSuyupaqerki, selepqinki, selepaqerki, 

at midday, at midnight, in the afternoon, m the early morning, 
suhuiqinki, ^ suhuiaqerki, bibiskanki ^ bibismuyal 

at daybreak, at the beginning of night, alternation ot sun and 

bahuntqinki, bahunthaap. Suhuiqinki, 

shade, for many days, for many years. At daybreak, at the 

suhuiaqerki, selepqinki, . selepaqerki, 

beginnino- of night, in the afternoon, in the early moining, 

tulis kisanki, tulis qiqi, ,, wolismatan. 

full of ? full of the gum of the rubber tree, health is your 

Tikukinta yoko yok, 

gift (your right). I made them to sit down on (their) feet, 

iikalki. 
(on) the board. 

No. 33 

The nodules of copal distributed in the braseros 
(The chant is the same as the first part of No. 5. The word 
pom is changed to sil, gifts. The former word is used only 
when the copal is in rough lumps.) 

1 The meaning of kisan is not clear. The final syllable ki is the same as that 
added to many other words to fill out the measure, and has no meanmg. 

2 Literally, virgin day. j • *v 

3 Literally, virgin night. Aqer is equivalent to aqab, as qer, hand, is tne 
same as qab. 

* Literally, the sun on one side. 

5 A more correct form would be naksemenbinqin, the sun in its ascending 
and descending course. 

6 Literally, the sun suspended. 

T Bibis means to widen. The idea is that the heavens (kan) appear and 
then disappear, owing to the clouds (muyal). 



184 MAYAS AND LACANBONES 

No. 34 

An offering of meat placed before the braseros in behaK of the gods 

Tan in kubik in tut etS tial a kubik 

I am restoring- my offering of meat to you for you to restore it 
tik yum, tial a nasik tik yum. Tan in oaik 

to the father, for you to carry it up to the father. I am giving it 

tet§ uhel a kunya, tial a tilili in tut 

to you again for your welfare, for you yourself my offering of 

etS. 
meat to you. 

No. 35 

A potion of the ceremonial drink given to the leader 

Tan in titSik tial a wukik uhel a 

I am holding it in my hands for you to drink again for yt)ur 
kunya. 
welfare. 

No. 36 

A gift of meat offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods 

Tiba, in tutal. In oamati 

In person (accept) my offering of meat. 1 gave it to you in 

ututal, pokbaki,! in Yumki, 

the past the offering of meat, the cooked offering, my fatiier, 

bahuntqin, bahunthaap, heretSbSk heretiseep,"^ tSukuti 

for many days, for many years, ground meat, line j^osol^ cooked 

bak, heretsbak, heretiseep.^ Ba ututal, ba 

meat, ground meat, fine posol. This, tlie offering of meat, this, 

ututal, in Yumki, bahuntqin, bahunthaap. 

the offering of meat, my father, for many days, for many years. 

Umana bahuntqin, umana bahunthaap.* 

Many days are coming, many years are coming. 

No. 37 

An offering of meat and buliwa administered to the braseros 

Tan in lapik ta tSi, Yume, in norwa ^ 

I am placing upon your mouth, O father, my offering of 

1 Literally, the offering warmed or the thing warmed. 

2 Literally, the corn ground fine for posol. 
^ Seep is equivalent to qeyen. 

* The idea is, I have done this for many days and many years in the past, and 
I will make the offering many days and many years in the future. 

6 The term buliwa is seldom used in the chants. Norwa is used in its place. 



CHANTS 185 

tet§, in tut, uhel a kunya, 

tamales to you, my offering of meat, again for your welfare, 

in norvra tets, in tut (t)ets, Yum, 

my offering of tamales to you, my offering of meat to you, , 

tan in paik teti in nor'wa teti,i in tut 

I am giving you my offering of tamales to you, my offering of 
eti, uhel a kunya,^ uhel uku^tal in palal,^ 

meat to you, again for your welfare, again are living my sons, 
uhel uku&tal in lak. 
again are living my wife. 

No. 38 

The offering of meat and buliwa presented at the east of the ceremonial hut 

Tal uhol in tut (t)et§, in 

(Here) comes the top of my offering of meat to you, my offer- 
nor-wa tet§, Yume. Tiae in tut 

ing of tamales to you, O father. Take my offering of meat to 
(t)eti in norwa tets, tial u kustal 

you, my offering of tamales to you, in behalf of them, enjoying 

in palal, tial u kustal, in watan, umertik 

life, my sons, in behalf of her, enjoying life, my wife, who makes 
maao, umertik -wa. 

posol, who makes tortillas. 

No. 39 

The offering of meat and buliwa distributed to the participants 

Tan in paik teti humpe lek* tut uhel a kunya. 

I am giving to you one vessel of meat again for your welfare. 
Tan in oaik teti humpe lek norwa uhel a kunya. 

I am giving you one vessel of tamales again for your welfare. 

No. 40 

Individual offering of a particle of the gift of meat and buliwa 

Tal u hoi tets in norwa teti 

(Here) comes its top to you my offering of tamales to you, 
Yume. Tal u hoi teti in tut 

O father. (Here) comes its top to you my offering of meat 
(t)eti, Yume. 
to you, O father. 

1 Literally, I am giving it to you, my offering, etc. 

2 The meaning is, for your added welfare. 

3 This is difficult to translate. The meaning is, cause my sons to have an 
added allotment of life. 

* Lek is a vessel made of the calabasa, a squashlike vegetable. 



186 MATAS AND LACANDONES 



No. 41 
The last offering of posol to the old hraseros 

He kin lutSik ta tSi in tsula tetg. 

I will dip out upon your mouth my offering of i^osol to you. 
He kin lutSik itiil a lakil ^ in tiula tet§ tial a 

I will dip out into your olla ray offering of posol to you for you 

nakal kulul ta tgak.^ Ooki 

to climb and sit down upon your resting place. It is ended 

a §au. Ooki a t§ula. 

your offering of cacao. It is ended your offering of posol. 
Ookin qas et§. ookin bortik et§. 

I have finished sacrificing to you. I have finished paying you 

(with offerings)- 

No. 42 

The old hraseros cleaned and the idols removed 

Bin in kin oatSe taho tguk,^ Yume. Baka 

I am going to clean by removing the ash, O father. All the 
tin tatatietik uSan* in na tetS. 

time I am digging with a stick the palm leaves, my house for you. 

No. 43 

The first offering made to the new hraseros and the idols placed inside 
the bowls 

n, in lutSik ta tSi, Yume, qam- 

See, I am dipping out upon your mouth, O father, the first 

ki. II, in lutSik ta tgi tetS 

offering. See, I am dipping out upon your mouth to you the 

qamki uhel a kunya yokol a tumu l^k. 

first offering again for your welfare within your new olla. 

Tin qapkuntik u San, in (n)a.^ tetS, Yume. 

I place it (the idolj inside its palms, my house to you, O father. 

1 A particle of the offering of posol is placed inside the olla at this time. 

2 Tsak, literally bed, is the name given to the shelf where the hraseros are 
kept when a rite is not in progress. In this chant the word refers to the rock on 
which the old and dead hraseros are placed at the end of the renewal ceremony, 

3 This is the copal ash of the previous sacrifices. 

* The idea seems to be that the copal corresponds to the paims (San) covering 
a house in that the ash protects the idol within. 

5 The house refers to the new olla, the resting place of the idol. 



CHANTS 187 

n, in pulik yokol utumu lak, Yume. 

See, I am placing it (the idol) inside the new olla, O father. 

II, in masik u §an, in (n)a tets yokol utumu 

See, 1 am changing .its palms, my house for you within the new 

lak. II, in bortik ets uhel a 

olla. See, I am paying you (with offerings) again for your 

kunya. II, in bortik eti yokol a 

welfare. See, I am paying you (with offerings) within your 
tumu lak uhel a kunya. Tin wala tetski.^ II, 

new olla again for your welfare. I promised you (this). See, 
in oaik tets qiqi yokol 

I give you an offering of the gum of the rubber tree within the 
utumu lak. II in oaik tets yokol a tumu lak napdil, 

new olla. See, I give you within your new olla an offering of 
a matanki, uhel a kunya. Huun tin latskuntik 

baltse, your gift, again for your welfare. Fillets I bind around 

ta hoi yokol utumu lak, uhel a kunya, yetel 

your head within the new olla., again for your welfare, with 

kab. Tikinnawa, in bortik et§. In kibasik 

honey. Totopontle, 1 am paying you. INly offering of baltse 

etg, hen bortiketie yokol a tumu lak uhel a 

to you, I will pay you within your new olla again for your 

kunya.2 
welfare. 

No. 44 
An offering of posol to the new hraseros in behalf of the gods 
Tan in uasik in tSula tets. Koten ilik 

I am raising up my offering of ^:>oso? to you. Come and see 
a lakil. Emen ilik a lakil, Yume.^ Kui, 

your olla. Come down and see your olla., O father. Live, O 
lak, in qas et§. 
olla^ I sacrifice to you. 

No. 45 

An offering of baltse administered to each of the braseritos 
(The chant follows the first part of No. 22. The braseritos 
are called sil, gifts, in sil tets, my gifts to you. This is the 

1 Literally, I told it to you. 

2 There often follows a promise to make other offerings. 

3 The name of the god to whom the brasero belongs is often added after the 
title Yume, This is true in all the other chants. 



188 31 AY AS AND LACANDONES 

same name given to the nodules of copal^ and both play the 
part of servants.) 

No. 46 
An offering of baltSe given to the ceremonial jar 

He kin lutgik ta tii, in balki, 

I am about to dip out upon your mouth, my great olla^ a small 
uqimalu a matan. 

offering of baltSe, your gift. 

No. 47 

A gift of tobacco given to the hraseros in behalf of the gods 

He la kuo, tin oaik teti, u hol,i Yume. Qai ^ 

Here is tobacco, I give it to you, its top, O father. A cigar, 
tu in ouoihe, Yume. 

then, I will smoke, O father. 

No. 48 
A gift of posol offered to the braseros in behalf of the gods 
Tiba^ in tsula. Ba tSula. 

In person (accept) my offering of posol. Thus, the offering 
Bahuntqin, bahuntaap, umanabahuntqin, 

oi posol. For many days, for many years, many days are coming, 

umanabahunthaap.4 Tiba, tSulaki. 

many years are coming. In person, (accept) the offering oi posol. 

No. 49 
A gift oifrejoles offered to the hraseros in behalf of the gods 
He, u hol,5 a buul tin oaik tet§, Yume. He in 

Here, its top, your frejoles I give to you, O father. I will 
hantike. 
(afterwards) eat them. 

No. 50 

A gift oifrejoles and iamales administered to the braseros 
(The chant is the same as that used when the meat and the 
buliwa are administered (No. 37), with the change ofintutetS to 
inbuultetS.) 

1 The hoi refers to the first tobacco of the year. 

2 Qas, literally, is bmidle. 

3 This chant is delivered slowly and is the same in character as that given when 
the nodules of copal are presented to the braseros inside the sacred hut (No. 32). 

* See Chant No. 36, note 4. 

5 See Chant No. 47, note 1. The frejoles are the first of the season. 



CHANTS 189 

No. 51 

The chant used when a journey is to be undertaken 

Ma ut§ibal kan, ma 

Do not permit to bite (him) the serpent, do not permit to 

utgibal balum. Tukubin .1 Ma 

bite (him) the tiger. He is going Do not permit to 

ukanan yok. Ma ula tsetik 

be tired the feet. Do not permit the bottom of the foot, to cut, 

utsuntse.2 
a sharp stick. 

1 The name of the person is inserted at this place. 

2 There often follows a prayer for freedom from fever and other hardships. 
(See Chant No. 14.) 



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192 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

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Field Museum of Natural History, Botanical Series, Vol. I, pp. 1-56, 
277-339, 340-410 ; Vol. II, No. 1, Part 1, No. 2, Part 1 a ; Vol. Ill, Nos. 
1 and 2. 
Molina Solis, Juan Francisco. 

1896, Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de Yucatan con una resena 

de la historia antigua de esta peninsula; Merida, 8°, pp. 911. 
1904, Historia de Yucatan durante la Dominacion Espanola; Vol. I, 
Merida, 8°, pp. 359. 
Nadaillac, Jean Francois Albert du Pouget. 

1884, Prehistoric America ; New York, 8°, pp. 566. (English translation 
of the French edition of 1883, Paris.) 

Nuttall, Zelia. 

1904, A penitential rite of the ancient Mexicans; in Peabody Museum 
Papers, Vol. I, No. 7, Cambridge, pp. 439-462, 4 plates. 
Palma y Palma, Euloio. 

1901, Los Mayas; Motul (Yucatan), 8°, pp. 753. 
Penafiel, Antonio. 

1890, Monumentos del arte Mexicano antiguo, ornamentacion, mitologia 
tributos, y monumentos ; Berlin, folio, 3 vols. 
Peresianus Codex, See Rosny, 1887. 
Ponce, Alonso. 

Relacion Breve y Verdadera de Algunas Cosas de las muchas que sucedi- 
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Espaha,Yo]. LVIII. 
Rada y Delgado, Juan de Dios de la. 

1893, Codice Maya denominado Cortesianus que se conserva en el Museo 
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Relacion de los Pueblos de Campocolche y Chochola. 

1890, in Colleccion de Documentos ine'ditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista 
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194 MAYAS AND LACANDONES 

Relacidn de Cicontiim. 

1900, (see above) Vol. XT, pp. 199-209. 
Relacidn del Pueblo de Dohot, y Cabecera de Tetzimin. 

1900, (see above) Vol. XIII, pp. 204-223. 
Relacidn de Pueblo de Mama. 

1900, (see above) A^ol. XI, pp. 159-174. 
Relacidn de la Ciudad de Merida. 

1900, (see above) Vol XI, pp. 37-75. 
Relacidn de Mutul. 

1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 75-88. 
Relacidn de los Pueblos de Popola, y Sinsimato y Samiol. 

1900, (see above) Vol. XIII, pp. 41-49. 
Relacidn de Quizil y Sitipeche. 

1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 209-220. 
Relacidn de Tahzib. 

1900, (see above) Vol. XI, pp. 185-190. 
Relacidn de la Ciudad de Valladolid. 

1881, In Adas del Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Madrid, Vol. II. 
1900, (see above) Vol. XIII, pp. 3-40. 
Rosny, Leon de. 

1887, Codex Peresianus, Manuscrit hieratique des anciens Indiens de I'Anie- 
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1878, Terra-cotta figure from the Isla de Mugeres ; in Proceedings of the 
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1903, Mittelamerikanische Waffen im modernen Gebrauche ; in Globus, 
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1904, Translation of 1895 in Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 28, 
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Saville, Marshall H. 

1897, Maya musical instruments; in American Anthropologist, Vol. X, pp. 
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 195 

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pp. 132-133. 

Stephens, John L. 

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2 vols.. New York. 
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Villagutierre Soto INIayor, Juan. 

1701, Historia de la Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, reduccion, y pro- 
gressos de la de el Lacandon, y otras naciones de indios barbaros, de la 
niediacion de el reyno de Guatimala, a las provincias de Yucatan, en la 
America Septentrional, Madrid, 4°, pp. 660. 



Plate I. 




Diego de Landa, first bishop of Yucatan and author of 
" Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan." From a painting in the 
Cathedral at Izamal, Yucatan. 



Plate IL 




Fig. 1. — Usumacinta River, seven leagues above Tenosique, 
looking southward. 




Fig. 2. — Usumacinta River, seven leagues above Tenosique, looking 
northward. 



Plate III. 




Fig. 1. — The grand cenote at Chichen Itza, Yucatan. 




Fig. 2. — Lacandone woman carrying child on hip. 



Platk W. 




Fig. 1. — Group of Lacandones near Laguna Petha, Chiapas 




Fig. 2. — Group of Lacandones on the Lacantun River. 



Plate YI. 




Fig. 1. — Lacandone boy and girl, showing the method 
of dressing the children. 




Fig. 2. — Two Maya women and child, showing the costume of the women. 



Plate VIL 




Fig. 1. — Maya at the Temple of the Tables, Chichen Itza. 




Fig. 2. — Two Mayas in working costume, from th 
vicinity of Valladolid, Yucatan, 



Plate VIII. 




Fig. 1. — A typical settlement of the Lacandones, showing 
the huts ahnost hidden in the growing corn. The roof in the 
foreground is that of the ceremonial hut, and directly beliind that 
of the shelter, where the offerings are prepared. The roof at the 
left is that of the domestic house. The view is from the east. 



;'""'" . 1 



Fig. 2. — A view of the same settlement as that shown in 
Fig. 1 from the south, showing the character of the forest sur- 
rounding the portion cleared. 




Fig. o. — A typical shelter among the Lacandones, show- 
ing the open ends and the manner in which the sides are 
protected by the overhanging roof. 



Plate IX. 




Fig. 1. — Maya woman grinding corn with stone metate. 




Fig. 2, — Mava woman moldinii- and bakiuo' tortillas. 



Plate X. 




Fig. 1. — Laca 



with native bow and arrow. 




Fig. 2. — Lacandone youth shooting fish with how 
and arrow from the end of a canoe. 



Plate XI. 




Fig. 1. — Lacandone woman spinning the 
native cotton. The spindle rests in a gourd and 
the mass of crude cotton rests on the shoulder. 




fiG. 2. — Lacandone woman beginning the weaving of a piece of cloth on 
the native loom. 



Plate XII. 




Fig. 1. — Lacandone loom, with utensils for weaving. 




Fig. 2. — rortion of Lacandone hammock. 



Plate XIII. 




Figs. 1 and 2. — The front and rear view of the ceremonial robe worn 
by the leader of the encampment where most of the rites were observed. 
He carries in his ris^ht hand the ceremonial rattle. 




Fig. 



3. — Maya woman modeling a water jar, showing the 
method of turning the vessel with the foot. 



Plate XIV. 




Fig. 1. — Lacaudoue shell necklace. 




Fig. 2. — OUa used to place over the burning 
copal in which to catch the soot. 



Fig. 3. — Lacandone oboe. 



Plate XV 




t:^(^c\c^ ^\\\ 



Fig. 1. — Design in black, red, and blue on ceremonial robe. 



[fT^ 




Fig. 2. — Typical Lacandone incense-burner 
of the type found in the vicinity of Lake Petha, 
Chiapas. 



Plate XVI. 




Fig. 1. — Incense-burner found in 
ruins of Labna, Yucatan. 




3. — Incense-burner from 
the Hondo River. 





Fig. 2. — Incense-burner from tlie Island of Cozurael, 
the eastern coast of Yucatan. 



off 




Fig. 5. — Lacandone incense-burner, the exact 
locality of which is unknown. 



Fig. 4. — Incensp-buiner from 
the Hondo River. 



Plate XVII. 




Fig. 1. — Incense- 
burner from Zachila, 
Oaxaca. 




Fig. 2. — Head of an incense- 
burner of the type usually found 
to the south and east of Yaxchilan. 




Fig. 3. — Head of an incense-bui-ner of 
the type usually found to the south and 
east of Yaxchilan. 




Fig. 4. — Incense- 
burner of the southern 
Yaxchilan type. 




Fig. o. — Incised incense-burner. 



Plate XVIII. 



'T^Fl 




Fig. 1. — Mayas dancing. 




Fig. 2. — Lacandone chanting before two hraseritoa in a consecration rite. 
The remains of an offering of food is seen on the mouths. 



Plate XIX. 




---^^ 



Fig. 1. — Animal of clay made by the Lacandones and now used by the 
children as a plaything. The real function of the bowl on the back of the 
animal is a receptacle for holding the incense. 




Fig. 2. — Lacandone incense-burner of the smallest type, used by the 
father in instructing the boys concerning the observances of the religious 
rites and especially in that of chanting. It is used, within certain bounds, 
by the children as a plaything. 




Fig. 3. — Arm from a handled incense-burner from the Ulloa River, 
Honduras. 




Fig. 4. — Wooden beater for pounding out bark cloth. 



I 



Plate XX. 




Fig. 1. — Group of incense-burners from the northeast corner of the cere- 
monial hut. The brasero with the projecting arm is seen in the front row. 
The fiat board for offering the nodules of copal is in the background. The 
hammock in the foreground is the one in which the leader of the encamp- 
ment sleeps during the progress of the renewal rites. 




Fig. 2. — Ceremonial drum of the Lacandones, showing the head similar 
to those of the braseros and the method of attaching and tightening the 
head of the drum. 



1 j4 H 


"» 


' J" ' ^^'^'N^B 



Fig. 3. — Lacandone chanting before the old incense-burners to which an 
offering of posol contained in the gourds had been made. The carpet of 
leaves on which the braseros and the offering rest is seen. This rite is be- 
fore the "death" of the old ollas, when they are replaced by a new set 
together with a large number of braserilos. These old incense bowls are 
blackened by the smoke of many offerings of incense. 



Plate XXI. 




Fig. 1. — A typical incense-burner of the Lacandoues, with its offering 
of baltse contained in the gourd, together with a cigar made of the first 
tobacco of the year. The pahn leaves in front of the brasero are those used 
to wave in the smoke of the incense at the same time as a chant is in 
progress. 




Fig, 2. — Lacandone, with pahn leaves, chanting in behalf of the child 
before him. The bark fillet is also seen around his head. 



Plate XXII. 




Fig. 1. — Lacandone youth with his share of au offering of posol after it 
had been administered to the s,-ods. 



RWv'^^ 




Fig. 2. — Lacandone pounding the sugar-cane to extract the juice in one 
of the hollow logs in which the ceremonial drink is mixed. The log cov- 
ered with palm leaves on the extreme right is that in which the baltSe 
is allowed to ferment. 




Fig. 3. — The two hollow logs containing the ceremonial drink. That 
on the right is uncovered and shows the baltse in process of fermentation. 
In front of the log slightly to the left is the jar which is filled with balt§e 
from the log, and from which the gourds are filled. 




Plate XXIII. 



Fig. 1. — Board on which nodules of copal are 
offered to the gods in a body before being taken off 
and distributed in the incense-burners. Collected 
by Mr. Maler. 




Fig. 2. Fig. 3. -^^^^^^^^Sim^l&ii-^^ 

Figs. 2 and 3. — Nodules of copal found in connection with archa'olugical work in northern 

Yucatan. 



Plate XXIV, 




Fii;. 1. — A Itader in one of the Lacandone rites sitting on the low 
wooden stool behind the jar containing the ceremonial drink, with which 
he is filling the gourds to place before the incense-burners. 



^lES* 




Fig. 2. — Jar containing baltie, with the low seat of the leader directly 
behind it and the Jicaras to be filled with the ceremonial drink. The cere- 
monial band of bark is seen around the jar. The cloth on the top is that 
used in straining the baltse. 




Fig. .3. — Lacandone offering the board of nodules of copal at the east 
of the ceremonial hut. 



Plate XXV. 




Fig. 1. — Lacandone with slaiu monkey, the meat of 
which is about to be offered to the gods. 




Fig. 2. — Lacandone making ceremonial fire. 



Plate XXVI. 




Fig. 1. — Lacandone, showing poncho spotted with achiote and the cere- 
monial band of bark around his head. 




Fig. 2. — Group of incense-burners (hmseros and hraseritos) from the 
northwest corner of the sacred hut. The ceremonial drum is seen at the 
left of the post. 



Plate XXVII. 




Fig. 1. — Group of incense-burners from the .soutli, showing the round 
gourds containing an offering of balt§e and flat vessels containing buliwa. 
The ceremonial drum is seen in the background at the left. 




Fig. 2. — Lacandones with carrying nets containing the 
burners which they are carrying to deposit under a cliff. 



■ dead " incense- 



Plate XXVIII. 




Three of the fifteen figures once supporting an altar which stood at the 
entrance of the Upper Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers, Chichen Itza. 
These and similar figures are supposed to represent the Saiyamwinkoob, 
who lived in the first period of the existence of the world. 



Plate XXIX. 




Fig. 1. — Three Maya brothers offering nine gourds oi posol in their milpa 
to the spirits of the wind. 



^f*m 




Fig. 2. — The owner of the milpa offering the nine Jicaras of 
posol, showing the cross set up under the line of gourds. 



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